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Pre Buddhist Era in Valley Swat
Swat, the land of abundant water, plants, small and big mysterious mountains have a long, rich and remarkable history. This land fused various civilizations and cultures, such as, the Aryans, the Greeks and the Buddhists and for most of its known history retained its separate entity. The Italian Archeological Mission (IsMEO) has been trying to search the historical findings and archaeological relics of these ancient people in the Valley. The history of the earliest settlements in the Valley has been traced back to 3000 B.C.
Aryans in Valley Swat
Aryan mentioned Swat River with the name Suvastu and to that effect the land. The mention of Suvastu in Reg-veda testifies the Aryan settlements in this beautiful valley. The Aryan migrations towards eastern Afghanistan and northwest India traced back to 2500 B.C. They were absorbed in consolidating their power in these parts of India and Afghanistan.The Aryans migrated to Swat valley in 14th century B.C after having been ousted by the Iranians.
The Aryans were inclined to natural phenomena in their beliefs. They considered mountains and lakes sacred. Mountains like Elum and lakes like Saidgai, Bisigram and Daraal were respected and praised. The mountains had gotten the status of community centres for tribes and had considered the patron of the tribe, the seat of the ancestor.
Another Aryan tradition concerns with their drinks Soma, an evergreen medicinal plant, mentioned in Reg-veda. It was a religious practice that the Aryans would prepare a special kind of beverage of this plant and then it presented to gods, as offering, through fire. The festival would celebrate at a particular time while singing and dancing. Soma would grow in Swat in abundance, festival would held and the people would use to drink wine or other intoxicating liquors probably extracted from 'rhubarb haoma-zairi-gaono' of Avesta, the soma of the Vedas.
Swat and Persia
Swat shares its long ancient religious, cultural, with Persia. It cannot be said with certainty whether Persia had extended its political yoke to Swat or not. It is a crux to be solved. The Persians since Cyrus 1st had been trying to make their way towards the east. They even appeared at the door of the Gandahara at that time, and knocked down its various territories. Gandahara had made the seventh province of the Achaemenian Empire and the third in the eastern provinces. Muhammad Ashraf Khan is of the view that Swat valley, probably, was brought by the Achaemenians under their control and ruled it until the Macedonians ousted them. Some scholars believe that Swat was within the boundaries of ancient Gandahara. Makin Khan writes that Darius of Parsia invaded Udyana in 518 BC. But Professor Tucci says that undoubtedly Swat had been under Gandaharan influence but it should not be considered as being identical with or included in Gandahara or in Kapisa. Afghanistan. It had a position by itself, separate from Gandahara. Herodotus assembled his information about the easternmost boundaries of the Achaemenian Empire from Iranian informants who by themselves had no exact notion in this respect.
But the most vigorous relationship between Swat and Persia was in cultural sphere. Swat remained center of cultural exchanges and foreign influences. The Archeologists have found many similar tools and artifacts, both in Iran and Swat, which shows the cultural and commercial affinities between the two regions. The pottery found at Loebanr III that includes Black-Gray Burnished and Brown Gray Gritty wares, is the expression of Iranian influence. Similarly, tools found in the graveyards of Katelai, Butkara II, In the settlements of Aligrama and Balambat also testify northern Iranian influences. Another discovery is the drawing of dogs, found in higher strata of Gogdara I. In ancient Iranian religions dogs were very impotent and the finding of dogs as main animals of rock images indicates the presence of Indo-Iranian authors in Swat. The gray vases with disk or button bases found in the Valley are being dated back to the last quarter of the 2nd millenium B.C. had also been found in northwestern Iran.Similarly a variety of tools and handicrafts appears to be used in public life both in Iran and Swat.
Swat's particular geographical position, in Asia, had exposed it to foreign influences and its historical and cultural development underwent multiple changes. The interaction of different people at different periods of time in the Valley proves that Swat evolved intimate terms with many races in the course of history. The archaeological findings here suggest the spreading of cultural and probably ethnical change too. The similarity between the tools and artifacts of the two regions is not due to the same origin of these people but to the Persian cultural influence over Swat.
Swat's particular geographical position, in Asia, had exposed it to foreign influences and its historical and cultural development underwent multiple changes. The interaction of different people at different periods of time in the Valley proves that Swat evolved intimate terms with many races in the course of history. The archaeological findings here suggest the spreading of cultural and probably ethnical change too. The similarity between the tools and artifacts of the two regions is not due to the same origin of these people but to the Persian cultural influence over Swat.
Swat's particular geographical position, in Asia, had exposed it to foreign influences and its historical and cultural development underwent multiple changes. The interaction of different people at different periods of time in the Valley proves that Swat evolved intimate terms with many races in the course of history. The archaeological findings here suggest the spreading of cultural and probably ethnical change too. The similarity between the tools and artifacts of the two regions is not due to the same origin of these people but to the Persian cultural influence over Swat.
Alexander In Valley Swat
The first ever mention of swat in historical documents is found in the accounts of Arrian, a Greek historian .In his arduous campaign of the East. Alexander invaded and passed en route, for the conquest of India, through swat but suffered great hardships. When he crossed river Panjkora toward Swat, 327 B.C., he marched first to attack Massaga, the biggest city of the area. The defenders, at Massaga, showed heroic courage and gave tough time to the invaders. They foiled the attempts on the city and defended it with great vigor. They at last concluded a treaty of peace with Alexander because of the death of their king, who was hit by the enemy, and also due to the introduction and use of advanced, and unfamiliar techniques and strategy by the Macedonians.
Buddhist Era in Valley Swat
The Indo-Greeks (those Greek rulers who occupied the seats in India after the downfall of the Mauryas) and the Scythian or had its relations and economic ties with them. Menander, among the Indo-Greeks occupied the Swat valley. It was later handed over to a sub-king Antimachus II. At the death of Menander his wife Agathocleia ruled at first in her own right and later jointly with her son. In order to counterbalance the influence of Antimachus- who assumed independence at Arrachosia (around Ghazni) –and other descendants of Diodotus, she appointed Zoilus I, a member of her family, as a sub- king in the Swat valley. Zoilus ruled briefly in Swat; for he was went to Arachosia, on the death of Antimachus II, to regain it. After Zoilus I, the known sub-king of Swat is Apollodutus who was overthrown by the Saka chief Maues.
Another Scythian tribe, the Sai of the Upper lli and different from the Scythians of the Jaxatas valley for other areas west of them, also reached and occupied Swat and the adjoining area. It was soon after 100 B.C. that Maues, the first known Saka King in India, followed the Indo-Greek rulers in Swat valley and Gandhara by overthrowing Apolodotus from the area.
Kadphises I, leader of the Kushans who were from the nomads race of Central Asia, seized vast territories extended to the south of Kabul river and established his rule. During the reign of the Kushana dynasty in the west and south of Swat the factual position whether Swat became an integral part of the Kushana Empire or retained it own independent status is uncertain. It is most probable that Swat or its petty chiefs had been a tributary Kushana.
When the boundaries of theTurki Shahi kingdom of Kabul were extended from the border of Sistan to northern Punjab, in the middle of the seventh century A.D., Swat was annexed in the process in about 745. The Turkey Shahi kingdom of Kabul was overthrown by Yaqub bin Lais in 870. The Hindu Shahi dynasty established its rule after the downfall of the Turkey Shahis, and with the passage of time extended boundaries of its kingdom. Information about Swat of the Hindu Shahi reign is also scanty. Nevertheless the Bari Kot incription of the reign of Jayapaladeva found on a hill to the north of Bari Kot hints at Swat being a part of the Hindu Shahi or at least under their over-lordship at the time. However, the question that whether Swat remained an integral part of the Hindu Shahi kingdom or not, is not easy to settle.
When the Hindu Shahi rule was sweft away by the Muslim under Mahmood of Ghazna, Swat was also not spared. The Muslim attacked Swat (ca. A.D.1001-1002), it seems, after the defeat of Raja Jaipal and besieged the reigning Raja Geera near Udigram . The traditions and legends make a fantasy and romance of the fall of the fortress by stating that the fortress, after withstanding repeated assaults by the forces of Mahmud, finally surrendered when the King’s daughter, who was in love with one of Mahmud’s general, revealed the place from where the fort got its water supply. Consequently, the supply was cut down, which forced the garrison to fight.
After the occupation of the valley by the Muslims, people from deferent pukhtun tribes settled in Swat. They came to be known Swati Pukhtuns. They established their rule for centuries. Practically, they remained independent and out of the sphere of the neighbouring Muslims rulers of Afghanistan and India throughout their occupation.
The sixteenth century proved turning point in the history of Swat as the Yusufzai Pukhtun occupied the land. At that time, the last decade of the fifteen-century, Swat was in the possession of the Swati Pukhtuns and Sultan Uwais was its chief ruler. Though the Yusufzais established matrimonial relations with the Sultan, they were ambitious for the valley. They worked out their plan, foiled defensive measures of the Swaties by a stratagem and occupied Lower Swat. By the sixteenth century Lower Swat was in the possession of the Yusufzais.Their advance came to a halt for the time being.
The Yusufzais resumed their advance during the reign of Humayun, the Mughal ruler of India, and Sultan Uwais and most of the old Swati Pukhtuns were compelled to leave their possessions in Upper Swat. Upper Swat was taken by the yusufzais. Though the Yusufzai did not make their advance toward the mountainous area of the Swat Kohistan, they continue their inroads in the other bordering areas, they extended their occupation to the territories of Gwarband, Puran, Chakisar and Kanra as well.
While the Yusufzais gained footing in Swat, Babur made himself master of Kabul. Collision between the two sides was unavoidable, because one of Babur’s routs to India fell within the domain of the yusufzais. With the intentions of attacking the yusufzais, Babur marched for Swat and dismounted in between the water of Punjkora and united waters of Jandol and Bajawar. But he refrained from advancing in to Swat. Instead of arms he used diplomacy and tactics and left for Ashnaghar from Bajawar.
The Yusufzais of Swat retained their independent position during Babur’s, Kamran’s and Humayun’s reign. Swat remained un-penetrated by the Mughals till Akbar’s time. Akbar ascended the throne in 1556, but he did not succeed to rule over Swat. In December 1585 Akbar sent an army to conquer Kashmir and another army was sent under the command of Zain Khan Koka in to Bajawar and Swat.
Akbar’s imperialism led to fighting. The Mughal forces sent under the command of Zain Khan faced stiff resistance and suffered great hardships. Zain Khan asked for reinforcements. The reinforcements, sent under the command of Raja Birbil and Hakim Abul Fateh, enter Swat in 1556 with great difficulty. Chakdara was made the base and foundation of a fort was laid there. From there the combined forces made their bed for Buner. But they were taken to task at Karakar defile. The Mughal forces met disaster. Raja Birbil lost his life along with eight thousand Mughal soldiers. They, however, made another bid under the command of Zain Khan and fought in Bajawar and Swat from 1587 to 1592 but without any real or lasting success.
Jahangir and Shah Jahan did not make bid for Swat. In Aurangzeb’s reign the Swat’s Yusufzais came to the help of their brethren in the plains, in 1667, who were fighting against the Mughals. In reprisal, the Mughals Commander-in-Chief entered the Swat valley and destroyed a village but returned in haste. The Swatis retained freedom throughout the Mughal period and also during the reign of the Durranis and the Sikhs.
With the annexation of the Punjab and occupation of Peshawar by the English, a new phase in the history of Swat began. Swat remained independent. It became a harbour of refuge for out laws and for refugees. And opponents of the colonial rulers from the British occupied territory; and a centre of inti-British sentiments. The Pukhtun under the English control constantly got inspiration from Swat to rise against the English.
The landmark was the formation of a government in Swat in 1849. Anxious for their independence, the Swati chiefs got alarmed with the British power at their doorstep. They held jigas and at last installed Sayyad Akbar Shah as the king of Swat. He died on 11 May 1857.
The year 1857, year of the War of Independence in India, passed off without disturbance in Swat because the king of the Swat State died on 11May 1857. Swat itself plunged in to civil war and remained entirely preoccupied with its own affairs. The attitude taken up by the Akhund of Swat, at this time, also favoured the British Government.
After 1857, the Swatis had no had no significant collision with the British until the Ambela campaign in 1863 when the British forces made their advance through the Ambela pass, in October 1863, in order to pass through Buner territory and crush the followers of Sayyed Ahmad Brailwi, in their colony, at Malka. Their advance was blocked and the tribes of Buner and Swat rose en mass.
The Imperial Government ordered that 15 Novembere 1863 should complete the operation, but it received telegram after telegram from the frontier, begging for more and more troops. Combination of the tribes firmly resisted the mighty British forces and gave them tough time for about two months. The Imperial power failed but its diplomacy worked. A truce was concluded and tribes dispersed.
The Swatis remained peaceful, after the Ambela war. They made no attempt, on the whole, against the Imperial Government till the Akhund of Swat, on January 1877, because the Akhund prevailed over the situation, despite great pressure upon him. In 1895, the internal developments once more resulted in a collision and stiff fighting between the Swatis and the British forces when the Swatis resolved to block the passage of the British forces, through their country, to Chitral and Umara khan of Jandol. When Umara Khan ignored the warnings and advice of the British officials at Chitral, Gilgit, Peshawar, or those with the Asmar boundary mission, the authorities ordered mobilization at Peshawar, of the First Division of the field army under Major-General Sir Robert Low as the Chitral Relief Force of some 15,000 men to implement orders.
A proclamation informed the tribes about the causes for the passage of the forces through their territory. They were assured that if they remained neutral and did not try to molest the passage of troops no harm would be done to them or to their property, and that government had no intention of annexing their country. Disregarding the Britishers proclamation, the Swatis held all the three passes from which the troops could enter Swat en route Chitral.
The Chitral Relief Force left Nowshera on 1 April 1895, under the command of Sir Robert Low. To keep the enemy divided, it was decided that Mora and Shah Kot passes be threatened and the main attack should be made on the Malakand, the strategy adopted some four centuries earlier by the Yusufzais themselves against the then defender of Swat. The attack was carried out on third of April. The tribesmen, most whom were unarmed, defended themselves with great gallantry, against the well-equipped and well-organised massive British troops. They continued their resistance and stopped the advance of the troops and artillery of the largest State of the world till 1895. The Britishers succeeded in making their advance and for the first time since the days of Zain Khan leader of Akbar’s armies, a host from the south entered the green belt of the Swat valley. They established garrisons at Malakand and Chakdara. The Political Agency of Dir and Swat was also instituted with its head quarter at Malakand, which was given under the direct control of the Central British Indian Government because of its significance.
At the flight of Umara Khan of Jandol, the British Indian Government reinstalled Sharif Khan as the Khan of Dir. All the territories previously occupied by Umara Khan were bestowed upon him and he was raised officially to the status of the Nawab of Dir.
It was easy to win hearts of the people. They considered presence of the British Indian authority as a common danger. Emotions ran high and within the passage of barely two years the most formidable revolt against the British arms took place that was ever witnessed even in the north -west Frontier of India. There was great unrest not only in swat but throughout the tribal belt on north- west border of the British Indian Empire In such a time the Sartor Faqir appeared in the upper Swat in July 1897. He claimed that his mission is to turn the British off the Malakand and out of Peshawar.
The English gave little importance to the new movement at first, but gravity of the situation could no longer be ignored towards the end of July. The troops stationed in the neighborhood were alerted and were asked to be ready for action at the shortest notice, and on 26 July 1897, the guides were summoned from Mardan.
The Sartor Faqir started his march from Landakai, on 26 July, for Malakand and Chakdara. His standard became a rallying point for thousands of fighting men from Upper Swat, Buner, the Uthman Khel country and even more distant parts. On the British side, the Guides arrived from Mardan at Malakand on the other day, 27 July, after their famous march. By 28 July the mobilisation of more troops in India was ordered. Heavy fighting continued at both the places, actually almost never ceased, until Malakand was relieved on the 1st August and Chakdara on the second.
Releasing the severe nature of the uprising, the Governor General in Council sanctioned the dispatch of the Malakand Field Force, on 30 July 1897, for holding Malakand and the adjacent posts and for punishing the tribes involved. For the support of the Field Force immediate formation of a Reserve Brigade was also decided early in the August 1897. The first and the last punitive expedition in the Swat valley was led.
The forces reached Mingawara on 19 August 1897, after facing stiff resistance at various places up the valley and after bearing heavy losses especially of H.L.S. MacLean and Lieutenant R.T. Greaves. Reconnaissances were made up to Gulibagh and the Ghwarband pass. After a stay for four days at Mingawara, the forces went back.
The severe nature of the fighting at Kota and Naway Kalay near Landakai at the time of the punitive expedition up the valley and its significance to the British can be judged from the fact that the British government awarded her highest award Victoria Cross to Lieutenant-Colonel Adams and Viscount Fincadtle, whereas Lieutenant MacLean was deprived due to his death in course of fighting, near Naway Kalay. Five person were awarded the Order of Merit.
The Swatis by their uprising of 1897,not only compelled the mighty British arms for a full week to fight against untold odds, but turned the year of the Diamond Jubilee of the English successful emergence from the Indian War of Independence 1857 in to surely one of the most troublous year in all Indian history.
During the post-Malakand War years, the Sartor Faqir, however, had made no significant armed struggle against the British Indian Government in Swat. Due to the intermittent struggle and faction fights within Swat and against the Nawab of Dir and the role of some of those that were influential but were ambitious for the ruler-ship and were in good terms with the Government, notable collision did not occur. It was in 1915, that once more a bid was made, after the formation of Swat State, though not with success.
Pakistan, Swat State has the distinction of not being imposed by an imperial power or an individual but was founded in 1915 by a jarga of a section of the right bank Swat Valley after doing away with the rule of the Nawab of Dir over their areas. The youngest of the rule of the Princely States of India and dependent upon British Indian Government and later Pakistan for currency, post and telegraph, foreign affairs and later on electricity as well Swat State was internally independent. It had its own laws, its own justice, army, police and administration, budget and taxes, and also its own flag with an emblem of a fort in golden green background.
The Yusufzai State of Swat
Situated in the North-West Frontier Province of British India and later
Pakistan, Swat State has the distinction of not being imposed by an imperial power or an individual but was founded in 1915 by a jarga of a section of the right bank Swat Valley after doing away with the rule of the Nawab of Dir over their areas. The youngest of the rule of the Princely States of India and dependent upon British Indian Government and later Pakistan for currency, post and telegraph, foreign affairs and later on electricity as well Swat State was internally independent. It had its own laws, its own justice, army, police and administration, budget and taxes, and also its own flag with an emblem of a fort in golden green background.
Swat State was probably the only governmental machine in the contemporary world, which was run without superfluity of paper work, opined by Martin Moore. Abdul Jabar Shah was the Originator of the administrative system of the State, the first ruler of the State (1915-1917). This system was modified, developed and refined by his successors at the seat of the State, Miangul Abdul Wadud 1917- 1949 and Miangul Jahanzeb who ruled swat from1949- till the merger of the State in 1969.
1 Civil Administration
The State being founded by the jarga of a portion of Swat, the jarga had the power to install and depose the Ruler, which it practically exercised in the installation and removal of Abdul Jabbar Shah and also in the installation of Miangul Abdul Wadud. Abdul Wadud, however, gradually made himself complete autocrat and also made the office hereditary. And the rule of primogeniture was followed in succession to the seat.
1.1 The Ruler
The administrative hierarchy comprised the Ruler on the top and Tahsildar at the bottom. Wali was the official title of the Ruler who was the supreme head of the State, possessing all powers, and the virtual head of all the departments. The Pakistani Government got signed the Government of Swat (Interim Constitution) Act, 1954, by the then Ruler of the State under which the Ruler became bound to constitute an advisory Council, with fifteen elected members and ten members nominated by him. However, no Chief Minister was imposed upon him, who would hold all the powers, as was in the case of the other Princely State; and the Ruler, according to himself, was President of the Council, Chief Minister, and Ruler. After the constitution of the Advisory Council too, in actual practice, the Ruler’s will was the law.
During Abdul Wadud’s reign, at first there was no such arrangement. Then there was a Secretary, who was responsible for the correspondences with the British Government. He also performed other functions asked for by the Ruler. Later on, however, the Ruler had a Chief Secretary and a Private Secretary in the Secretariat at the Capital. The former maintained correspondence with the British Government and later with the Government of Pakistan. He had also to perform such other duties assigned by the Ruler. The Private Secretary maintained correspondence of the private nature of the Ruler and also performed other functions asked for by the Ruler.
Later posts of Deputy Secretary and Assistant Secretary cum Information Officer were also created. They were to assist the Private Secretary in his duties relating to a number of departments. Besides, a posts of Assistant Secretary was created in the office of the Chief Secretary to assist him in his duties; and there was also a head of the Judicial Department in the Secretariat, at first called Hakim Ala, then Hakim Ala Daftar-e-Hizur, and later Mashir.
1.3 Wali Ahad
Being converted into a monarchy, the Ruler had a Wali Ahad (heir apparent). The heir apparent performed duties of the Ruler in his absence. His status was next to the Ruler within the State. In order to provide the heir apparent with some administrative work and experience, he was entrusted with some responsibilities. He had no authority to discharge or dismiss an official in presence of the Ruler, but had the power on assuming the duties of the Ruler in his absence. He, however, was not authorized to make appointment of any personnel.
1.4 Administrative Officials
At first the highest administrative official at the centre were the Wazir and Siph Salar (Commander-in Chief). In 1940 the post of Wazir-e-Azam (Prime Minister) was created but was abrogated shortly in 1943, and new posts and designations were created. These were the posts of Wazir-e-Mulk (Minister of State), Wazir-e-Mal (Revenue Minister) and Sipah Salar (Commander-in Chief). These officials assisted the Ruler in the administration of the State. They were in charge of their respective departments and were also assigned with duties of the supervision of various sub-divisions, i.e. Tahsils of the State, and so were in charge of their respective administrative areas for speedy and good administrative purposes
The administrative posts were not permanent, but depended upon the sweet will of the Ruler who made frequent changes, i.e. he created the posts of Mashirs (Advisors) then they were elevated to Wazirs (Ministers); they were again substituted by Mashirs but again the posts of Wazirs, Naib Wazirs and Mashirs are found.10 there were also some other officials at the centre. These were the highest officials of the State having different areas under their jurisdictions. They had their offices at capital, were subordinate to the Ruler and heir apparent but answerable only to the former, and held both original and appellate jurisdiction.
1.5 Administrative Division
Swat State was administratively divided into a number of administrative units called Hakimis and Tahsils. The administrative divisions were largely tribal in nature were run directly by the Central authority at Saidu Sharif but through the Tahsildars and Hakims
The officer in charge of a Tahsil and Tahsildar.Tahsil was the smallest administrative unit of the State and the Tahsildar its administrative-cum-judicial-cum-executive-cum-financial officer. Whereas, Hakimi was somewhat larger unit and the Hakim was its administrative-cum-judicial-cum-executive-cum-financial officer. They were superior in rank and status to the Tahsildars.
Like all other officials and servants, the Tahsildars and Hakims were appointed by the Ruler and were answerable to him. They held their posts at his good will and were frequently transferred. Like the Ruler, the Tahsildars and Hakims had multiple responsibilities in their jurisdictions. They had to perform the administrative, executive, judicial and financial duties; and also a number of other duties like visiting the construction works, signing deeds of property deals and Nikahnamas, and so forth.
1.6 Secret Service
There was neither formal secret service nor a need for it was felt, but in fact the Rulers kept their informers, who, on the whole, had neither good reputation nor any access to the elite circle and intelligentsia.
2 Military Administration
Although at first the traditional Lashkar system was kept intact along with the State forces due to the exigency of the time it was gradually done away completely with and numbers of the forces were increased.
2.1 Organisational Structure
The Ruler was the supreme head of the armed forces, and the Sipah Salar held the immediate command under him. The Sipah Salar was also assigned judicial and administrative duties.
Organisation of the armed forces was such that at the head of fifteen soldiers was an officer called Jamadar, five Jamadars were under a Subidar, five Subjdars under a Subidar Major and two Subidar Majors under a Captain. Prior to 1957 the Captain was called Kaman Afsar. Above them were two Naib Salars and one Sipah Salar, whose position was of the Defence Minister and Commander-in Chief. All of them were under the Ruler, who held the supreme authority and could order mobilisation of the forces. The Ruler had, moreover, the authority to appoint, promote and discharge men of all ranks, from an ordinary soldier up to Sipah Salar, according to his own discretion.
2.2 Types of the Armed Forces
Armed forces of the State comprised of two types of soldiers, i.e.Regular and Reserve. The Regular forces received remuneration while the Reserve did not even on active service.
The Regular forces were at first comprised of infantry and cavalry only but later on artillery, machine gun, signal and personal bodyguard of the Ruler were added to. Cavalry was the efficient and most effective part of the State armed forces in the early years of the state, but when neither menace from the neighboring States nor fear of revolt in the far flung areas remained and the road transport developed, owing to which cavalry became less useful, at first it was reduced in number and later on was completely done away with, in 1950s.
A part of Regular army was called Bahar Ardal. The artillery consisted of a few guns and canons of the old styles with a few mortars. The machine-guns were few in number at the centre for whose use and
maintenance trained soldiers were employed. The signal was called shisha. Trained and experienced persons served this department who had to accompany the forces on expedition. A modern band was part of the army.
The personal bodyguards of Mianul Jahanzeb were called Ardal-e-Hizur. Unlike the army soldiers and officers they received uniform, foot wear and cooked meal from the State.16 Service in the Wali’s bodyguard was considered more prestigious. Usually, men from the privileged families were employed in the bodyguard contingent.
2.3 Duties of the Armed Forces
Main duty of the armed forces was fighting in defense of the State, but they performed other duties as well while at peace, e.g. construction of roads, schools and bridges. Because they needed to be put to some task or otherwise they would become soft. The public works were no hardship on them: they served for two months a year, divided up in shorter stretches of ten days at a time, so that their cultivated fields would not suffer, nor their part”. Moreover, “they needed to see their officers, and be under discipline now and again.
2.4 Qalas and Thanas (Tanras)
Qalas (forts) were constructed throughout the State for the maintenance of law and order. Each fort was under the command of an officer, and their Forces Subidar or Jamadar who
soldiers, commonly known Qalawals as under him in the fort. All of them were required to live in the fort with their families. Every fort had a telephone and also a scribe for writing the reports of the day to day happenings. The fort institution was multi-purpose and multi-faceted. The highest officials of this department were four Majors and one Commander. Each Major was in charge of several forts and was responsible for the efficiency of his sub-ordinate officials.
Later on the forts were gradually replaced with Thanas. Difference between the fort and the Thana was that the sepoys posted in the fort were known as Qalawals and the officers were Jamadars and Subidars; whereas sepoys and officer of the Thanas were called police and Thanidars, respectively. However, Thanidars did not head all the Thanas. Moreover, buildings of the Thanas were mostly comprised of two rooms while the forts were huge buildings with family quarters. Above all the Thanas did not serve all the purposes served by the fort.
3 Financial Administration
Like other states, affairs of Swat State too could not be run successfully without adequate financial resources and a sound finance system. Originator of Swat State’s financial administration too was Abdul Jabbar Shah.
3.1 Administrative Hierarchy
The Ruler was the supreme head also of the finance department. He was the final authority of financial awards and no disbursement can be made without his prior approval. Like civil administration, the administrative hierarchy in respect of finances comprised the Ruler on the top and the Tahsildar at the bottom. At each Tahsil there was, however, a special clerk known as Sub-Daftar Mirza. He had to realise the State’s dues of the ijara from the Ijaradars; to submit the accounts in the Revenue Minister’s office at the Centre; and to keep accounts of the State revenue of the Tahsil.
At first, there was no Revenue Minister but later on a Revenue Minister was appointed to head the department who was called Wazir-e-Mal and was later on replaced Mashir-e-Mal (Revenue Advisor). He administered the department on behalf of the Ruler and also held judicial, executive and administrative functions and authority. In financial matters, a treasurer and a small staff at the Centre assisted him.
In the later reign of Miangul Abdul Wadud the heir apparent, Miangul Jahanzeb, used to check the accounts daily. It was, however, the Ruler himself, during Jahanzeb’s reign, who used to check daily, early in the morning, the record and statements of the revenue department presented to him by the Treasury Officer called Muhtamim Khazana. The Revenue Minister and later Revenue Advisor has been kept aloof from knowing the factual position of the total amount in the exchequer; and actual heads where and how it was spent.
3.2 Sources of the Revenue
Mainsource of the State revenue was ushar, but in actual practice the State received 13.33% at the gross produce of the land at the threshing ground in the nature of ushar. In March 1969, the rate however was set at one tenth. In addition to ushar on crops, taxes /ushar was taken upon milch cows and buffaloes, herds of goats and sheep, orchards, beehives, and vegetables.
All the above mentioned taxes were not collected by the State itself, but were auctioned and granted to the highest bidders, known as Ijaragar/Ijaradar/Ushri, for the particular crop of the season, in case of ushar and for the year in case of other taxes, of the particular area.
The auctions were made by the Wazir-e-Mal through the Tahsildars. Only politically powerful persons made the bids. If they collected more they retained the excess, but if the collection was less they to make up the difference. The Ijaradar was required to pay the amount of grain/ghee/honey or the price thereof just after the collection season was over; that was why it was made obligatory for the concerned authorities to give the auctions to the financially well off persons, otherwise they themselves will have to pay the sum of the ijara.
Import and export duties (also called octroi), haysiyyat tax, road tax, motor vehicle and tanga fee, income from the contracts of the forests, salt and ghee, duty on bonds and fines for different crimes were also sources of the State income. Besides, there were the stamp papers, arms licences fees, telephone fees, manshiyat tax (the supply of alcohol, poppy and charas were given on contract), rent and income of the confiscated property, cattle’s fare tax; mines (among which the emerald mines were the major and prominent one), income from the State owned Swat Hotel, and grant from the Government of Pakistan were the other sources of the State revenue.
Taxation was heavy, which is aptly analysed by Barth by stating that revenue of the State depended on the taxing of the fruits of private activities; tithe on agricultural production, fees on the extraction of timber, tolls on imports and exports, and license fees on various activities. A thorough analysis of other sources of the State revenue not mentioned by Barth also confirms the statement of taxing of the fruits of private activities.
3.3 Expenditure of the revenue
The State’s income received from the different means and sources in the Tahsils were transmitted to the Central Exchequer after the disbursement of the payments and expenditures to be made at the Tahsil along with a return of income and expenditure.The State revenue had been disbursed and spent on administration (later on along with the Privy Purse), armed forces, police magazine factory, education, health department, roads and bridges, irrigation, muwajibs, press and publication, donations in Pakistani funds, malakana and relief, telephone department, jail, transport for public welfare, royalty of forests, expenditures of the Advisory Council, Government’s buildings, royalty of mines and committee of the retired servants. There was no audit of the State’s income and expenditures by any department or autonomous body.
4 Judicial Administration
Like other administrative spheres, Swat State had its unique status in respect of its judicial system.
4.1 Qazis, Shariat, Judicial Hierachy, and their Status
Qazis were appointed, claims Maingul Abdul Wadud, all over the State on the village, Tahsil and Hakimi levels to decide the cases and the litigants may not suffer travelling long distances to the courts. The Tahsil Qazi had not only to deal with the Tahsil level cases but also acted as a court of appeal for the decisions of the village Qazi. The Qazi attached with every Hakim acted as higher court of appeal. On the top was a court at the capital of the State, comprising of Chief Qazi and other learned scholars of Islamic jurisprudence, which adjudged serious cases and worked as a Supreme Court of Islamic Jurisprudence and the highest court of appeal.
However, the judicial hierarchy comprised the Ruler on the top and Tahsildar at the bottom. The Qazi could not take cognizance of the disputes unless referred to them by Tahsildar, Hakim, Mashir, Wazir, Heir Apparent, and the Ruler or other officials. Even the Commander-in Chief held judicial powers and duties. A new department known as Mehkama-e-Munsifan was established later on. The munsifs were also entrusted with judicial power. Their panel usually had to visit the spot and had either to give their own judgement or had to report the position to the Ruler or heir apparent.
It should not be taken, as is commonly believed, that Shariat was the Supreme Law and that all the people were bound to follow and decide their cases accordingly in the Qazi courts. There was no separation of power in respect of the State officials. Administrative, executive, fiscal and judicial powers and functions were vested at a time in the hands of the State officials and Ruler, but the Qazis did not possess any sort of administrative, executive, fiscal and real judicial powers and functions. The Qazi courts were subservient to the Administrative cum Judicial officers and Islamic Laws to the regional ‘Codes of Conduct,’ and both were subordinate to the orders of the Rulers.
There were fines for all kinds of offences, I.e. murders, thefts, adultery, and so forth. Strict Islamic rules and laws were seldom followed. All the fines were fixed by the local jargas in the Codes of Conduct or by the Rulers.
It us noteworthy that procedural uniformity did not exist in filling petitions and their dispensation. Petition has been filed to a variety of the State officials, e.g. Tahsildar, Hakim, Hakim Ala, Naib Mashir, Mashir, Wali, Sipah Salar, Wali Ahmad and the Wali. Petitions and applications on the ordinary paper and letters from abroad have also been entertained. All the related officials instructions, correspondence, orders, and so forth has been done on the back of the papers on which petitions has been filed. However, the final decisions and verdicts have been given on stamp papers to those in whose favour the cases have been decided. The verdicts of the decisions have been usually brief, stating names of the petitioner(s) and the respondent(s), contentions of the parties and the reason for the decision in favour of the one party, written in Pukhtu which was the official language of the State. These have also been recorded in the in the State registers as official copies. Besides, some of the shortcomings of the Western judicial system-technicality, delay, and high cost were not known ever
4.2 Free Litigation, and Quick Decisions
In Swat State not only procedures of litigation were simple but also the cases were decided quickly in one or two hearings and the decisions were properly implemented as well. Moreover, there was no court fee.
The people were safe from the pull and drag of lengthy litigation and the verdicts had been brief and properly implemented, but germs of favoritism and corruption were present from the outset. Not only the State officials having judicial powers but the Qazis were also not free from bribes, personal motives and interests. The practice conhy ftinued throughout and more so in the later years. The Rulers did not take firm action elimination of bribery and corruption for their own reasons.
Although the Rulers themselves were from bribery, but they had to serve their own other interests. Fredrik Barth, a Norwegian anthropologist, points out that the Wali’s account emphasizes the settlement of cases as the most essential function of the Ruler. But, Barth observes that the settlement of cases was the most important way in which the State sought to regulate local level politics, and thereby secure its own survival in the context of deep and powerful political processes generated on the village level.
5 Rules and Regulation
Being aware of the intricacy of the situation, Miangul Abdul Wadud adopted a unique strategy. He did not frame a constitution and uniform laws of his own, but asked the local jargas to frame rules and regulations for their respective areas. These rules were strictly enforced and people would abide by them. The rules thus framed were called Dasturul Amal (Code of Conduct). The codes of Conduct thus framed by the jargas for their respective localities of the Swat State were not uniform.
Side by side, the Ruler issued orders and implemented his commandments at his own will. These orders were sometimes contrary to the existing Codes of Conduct, but the jargas had been asked to pass and make these orders their Codes of Conduct in future. The Ruler issued and conveyed his orders and commandments, during Miangul Abdul Wadud’s reign, mostly telephonically. Miangul Jahanzeb too issued and conveyed his orders telephonically to the administrative personnel but his decrees meant for the common people were issued also in written form.
The rules and regulations framed by the jargas and decrees issued by the Rulers have been implemented but fear and favour, and discretion and discrimination have been observed though not frequently
Conclusion
Miangul Abdul Wadud and Miangul Jahanzeb were not the originators of the administrative system of Swat State. They, however, raised the super structure upon the foundation laid by Abdul Jabbar Shah. They made developments and modifications therein and transformed the raw structure into a somewhat organized one.
In the administrative apparatus, all the appointments, promotions, and dismissals rested with the rulers. There was complete autocracy and absolutism during Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb’s entire reign. Both of them, however were energetic and hard working, and, on the whole, ruled firmly and benevolently. They personally supervised all the affairs of the State and administration keenly and minutely, and held daily courts save the holidays. They kept themselves informed of all the matters and cases, great or small. People, influential and ordinary, had an access to them in the office, but in a visible discriminative way, especially in Jahanzeb’s case.
The administrative hierarchy, from top to bottom, on the whole, worked quickly and effectively and so stands unique, at least among the Princely States. Direct appointments on the posts of Tahsildars, Hakims, Mashirs, Wazirs and the similar other officials had not been made during Jahanzeb’s reign. On the whole, they were promoted from the clerks of the Ruler’s secretariat stage wise, but in some cases the promotions had been given rapidly.
The technique adopted by Abdul Wadud to honour the local tribal traditions and aspirations, to a greater extent, in the formulation of rules, regulations and administrative machinery, worked well successfully. The contemporary British reports had endorsed the success and effectiveness of the rules and penal codes introduced and implemented in Swat State.
The collective local responsibility of either surrending the culprits or to pay the fine imposed in case the culprits and offenders were not known or not pointed out by the people of the concerned place, was an effective measure and tool for tracing the culprits and offenders and also for minimizing the offences, thefts and other unwanted acts of such natures. It should be noted that in the early years of Abdul Wadud’s rule, the thieves were to be shot dead on the spot or where ever they were to be found.
Like civil administration, the military organization of the State exhibited its own features. The financial system too had its own unique features under Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb. The Ruler was the State’s exchequer. No officer, even the Wazir-e-Mal or Mashir-e-Mal, was entitled to draw a single rupee from the State treasury, except with the approval and signature of the Ruler. There was no limitation on the Ruler in disbursement from the State exchequer and there was no audit of him. In a sense the State and private revenue and income of the Ruler, especially during Abdul Wadud’s reign, was considered one and the same and so had been used in the same manner. Taxation was heavy, which was no doubt based on taxing the fruits of the private activities.
The judicial system of Swat State was not Islamic in its essence as is commonly believed. It was a synthesis of the traditional codes, Islamic norms compatible with the traditional codes, and the commands, orders and words of the Ruler.The Ruler had the final authority and supremacy and the traditional codes held secondary status. Islamic law was subservient to both of them. The Ruler was neither bound to the Codes of conduct nor Shariat. The system, however, was an effective one. The trials were quick and cheap, and the judgements properly implemented. The cases were usually decided on first hearing or at the latest on the second.
Fredrik Barth nicely observes that the overall administrative system of the Swat State
Represented a new and emergent structure, that its organization was not simply copied and introduced from elsewhere . . . . Here, it is sufficient to point to the absence of any neighbouring states with a similar organization. Certainly, most or perhaps all of the elements can be found represented in various organizations in the larger region: the bodyguard pattern shared with Dir, the tax auctioning known from Moghul India, the Tahsil divisions and officers of British India, the Islamic institution of Ushur [ushar], etc. Abdul Jabbar Shah’s procedure for the swift creation of a popular Army may have been innovative-at least it was unknown to the Badshah . . . but it may well have been an introduction from Amb. But the essential structure of Swat State, which assured its survival, did not emulate the pattern of any other state: not the pluralistic and coercive Knanate of Dir . . . the intricate centralized feudalism of Chitral . . . the ritual absolution of Hunza . . . or the colonial bureaucracy of British India.
Merger of Swat State with Pakistan
Though Swat State became a model of peace, tranquility and progress in a tribal society, the rulers were autocrats. The vices of autocracy were present to the larger extent from the very outset. Peter Mayne may be justified for his remarks that "in fact Swat State is an example of how very benevolent an autocracy can be. However, he himself admits that the Wali was "... a complete autocrat and could, if he wished, cut off a subject's head without a by-your-leave, or even a second thought".
Miangul Jahanzeb became the Wali (Ruler) of Swat on December 12, 1949 with the abdication of his father, Abdul Wadud, in his favour. He carried on the developmental works and schemes. Priority was given to roads, schools and hospitals. Great success was made. Free education and health services were provided. However he changed some of the policies of his father. He started persecution and alienation of the old supporters and allies of his father and brought new elements from various quarters to the fore. The old loyal supporters were made aggrieved and dissatisfied.
Some modern educated people were not happy with the autocracy and mode of ruling. They wanted rights, freedom and reforms. The first to ask for reforms was Sirajuddin Khan. He presented his proposed reforms to Miangul Jahanzeb, in his office two days prior to his becoming the Wali of Swat in December 1949. There were thirteen/fourteen points. Inter alia it was stated that the Princely States are blots on the country after the emergence of Pakistan. However, the blot can be removed either by introducing democracy or by the enforcement of Islamic System in the Swat State. Democracy would not work because the masses were illiterate, so Islamic system will be better for the ruler and the masses as well. The proposed reforms were not honoured. Next was the attempt of the Khans against the Wali in 1950. These were the men who had made Abdul Wadud the ruler of Swat. However, to safeguard his power and position he either won or suppressed and subdued or removed from the scene the powerful of them and brought some new elements to the fore. It aggravated a section of them. The policy of "divide and rule" was felt and resented by most of the Khans. So the leading Khans from both sides, who were not happy with the policy and arrogance of the new ruler, held secret meetings at various places and pledged to undo the Wali and bring a change in the policy and mode of ruling in Swat. The plot was disclosed. Consequently some of the Khans left Swat in 1951 and became exiled. While other did not. Most of those who did not left Swat remained due to their dallas (factions) stratagem. Though all of them wanted to leave Swat some remained behind, because their respective dallas asked them secretly to do so in order to provide financial support, in case of distress to those who had left. It was also to maintain their dallas position among the masses and to safeguard their dallas interest in the State circles.
Affair of the Khans created troubles and unrest for the Wali. Sirajuddin Khan wrote a letter to Liaqat Ali Khan (Prime Minister of Pakistan) wherein it was stated that India had merged all the States. The people of Swat had great expectations of merger, but they were astonished that instead of merging the State the Prime Minister once more kept the turban on the Wali's head. It was required of the Wali to honour his benevolence and had to give relief to the people while he had compelled his subjects to leave their homes.
The Sirajuddin Khan's letter got published in a daily from Lahore. Letters writing were continued to dailies. Consequently the Wali, who was very allergic to such type of letters and statements, approached the Khans by various means and persons. At last the Khans returned by 1953. The Wali admits that "It was a fairly big and powerful group - not so much in the amount of land and villages that they controlled personally, as in the influence they wielded".
The Khans failed to achieve their objectives at the time but their motives did not subside. On the other hand the affairs and the developments compelled the Pakistani Government to do something. So in 1953 the Government asked the Wali to "sign some sort of constitution". Thus he signed the "Supplementary Instrument of Accession" on 12th February 1954. Wherein, inter alia, the Wali was made bound to constitute a State Council with 15 elected members and 10 members nominated by him. However, he was President of the Council, Chief Minister and Ruler. The Council had no real power. The members were collected twice a year but they did nothing. They would just praise the Wali and tell him he was doing well. The Pakistani Government did not interfere in the internal affairs.
As has already been stated a section of the modern educated people was not content with the autocracy about which the Soviet news agency APN latter opined "... that no single human being has wielded more power in the 20th century than the ex-ruler of Swat". And that he .had control even over the people's private lives to the extent that no State official could grow a beard or moustache without his permission".
The movers were educated and in services of the Wali. Their main concerns or objectives were to undo the autocracy, to press the Wali for reforms and to introduce rules, regulations and democratic form of government and to safeguard honour, prestige and rights of the people. The movement was extended to all parts and villages of the State with great success and people from all walks of life became its members. Though the Khans failed at that time, their motives did not subside. So the movement also won them gradually.
To keep secrecy of the movement intact and to press the Wali for change and reforms unique technique was adopted. Underground propaganda was launched. Pamphlets were printed in Peshawar from time to time with the co-operation of Ajmal Khattak and Afzal Bangash and were distributed throughout the State so that they be pasted up and laid in all the public places, government offices and buildings in a specified manner on the appointed date and time. These were laid in Tehsils as well and even inside the Wali's Bungalow.
Other developments took place side by side. Members of Jamat-i-Islami were persecuted and exiled from the State due to their affiliations with the Jamat on the plea that they were anti-Pakistan. Some of the Jamat members were arrested for their participation in the Jamat programme of raising funds for the flood relief in Punjab. So the Jamat also initiated a propaganda campaign against the Wali.61 Furthermore, the Wali due to personal grudge arrested Abdur Rauf, a resident of Buner who had his business in Lahore. He was progressive and political and had his relations with politicians and journalists. The arrest was resented. Mahmud Ali Qasuri asked Political Agent Malakand that the Wali should not hurt him. The Wali released Abdur Rauf under pressure. However, the act produced far-reaching effects against the Wali due to Abdur Rauf relations in Pakistan.
Encouragement of a Christian Mission School in Swat by the Wali, who purchased the land and "... financed the construction of buildings according to their specifications but paid for by the State" was resented by Sirajuddin Khan. He wrote a letter to "Daily Kohistan" against the Missionary School in Swat. The letter was published in the Lahore edition of the daily on October 05 and in the Rawalpindi edition on October 07, 1962. Sirajuddin Khan was called to the Wali office. He was mercilessly beaten and imprisoned for three years. The news was resented. Nasim Hijazi, editor of the daily, asked his second in command to publish all that was in favour of Sirajuddin Khan and against the Wali. Abdur Rauf filed a writ petition in the Lahore High Court, on behalf of Sirajuddin Khan, and issued statements to the newspapers. An editorial was written in "Daily Kohistan" and Khwaja Safdar and M. Hamza tabled an adjournment motion in the Provincial Assembly of West Pakistan against the imprisonment of Sirajuddin Khan, which was released after 40 days under pressure. However the tempo of resentment increased against the Wali, his powers and high handedness in the political circles and the Press.
"Daily Nawa-i-Waqt", already serving Jamat-i-Islami's cause, was hired by the silk mill owners in Punjab due to the development of silk industry in Swat. So the daily played a leading role in the propaganda campaign against the Wali. Some private acts and activities of the Wali, e.g. drinking and marriage with a dancing girl and other developments were not liked by a section of the population. Contradictory decisions by the Wali, his open insulting attitude even to his officials, nepotism, bribery of Tehsildars, Hakims67 and Mashirs, plunder of forests by few favourites of the Wali and State officials, and no rules, criteria or competitive examinations for recruitment, were resented by the people and common educated class, and were cashed by "Malki Rurwali" against the Wali.
The situation took a grave turn when students of Jahanzeb College started agitation. They were beaten. Some of them were arrested and tortured while some were rusticated from the college. Some of them succeeded to reach outside Swat. They conducted press conferences. Students of the down country agitated and issued press statements to express their solidarity with the Swati students. Afzal Khan, Student Leader, later approached to Noor Khan, Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator and in charge of the affairs of the students and the labourers, and apprised him of his grievances. He assured him of his help and told that they are going to do something.
Some of the Wali's close friends and boon companions became aggrieved due to their own causes. Taking advantage of the changes in the Pakistani politics, with the abdication of Ayub Khan, they thought that this was the right opportunity to press the Wali for certain reforms. A proposed draft constitution, written by Kamran Khan and Muhammad Afzal Khan, wherein some reforms and modification in the mode of ruling were suggested was presented to the Wali through Miangul Aurangzeb, the heir apparent. However, the Wali rejected it. At one instance his remarks were "I am the ruler, I am to rule Swat, not the rules to rule".
On the other hand some of those who were at the helm of affairs in Pakistan were also not happy with the Swat State due to their own causes, e.g. Qayyum Khan, Chief Minister NWFP and Shahabuddin, Governor of NWFP, who got signed the Supplementary Instrument of Accession (SIA) by the Wali. The Wali himself states about SIA that: "I became a sort of caretaker administrator. Though they did not interfere in my internal affairs, everybody knew that I could be removed and the State could be merged. Politicians might also start their agitation here...”.
However the role of General Pirzada proved fatal and decisive for the Wali and the State. It is generally said and believed that Miangul Aurangzeb (the present Governor of Baluchistan), son in law of Ayub Khan and heir apparent of the Wali had insulted Pirzada during his service in the army. Pirzada, when he became the Chief of Staff to General Yahya Khan, asked Mahmud ul Hasan Butt, a non-Swati but residing in Swat, to form an Association and start propaganda in order to prepare ground for action. He further asked the printed media not to publish any statement in favour of the Wali.
On the other hand the Wali ordered to search the houses of Amanullah Khan, Mahmud ul Hassan Butt and Aslam Effendi, once his boon companion and friends respectively. This aggravated the situation. Kamran Khan, Amanullah, Butt, Sarangzeb Khan and few others, formerly close friends but now aggrieved, proceeded to Rawalpindi to launch a movement, named "Swat Liberation Movement" (SLM). It was basically confined to the papers and had less roots among the masses, and carried on an intensive and extensive propaganda against the Wali. According to Prof. Zamir Zaidi "... the object of the movement was not to merge the Swat State with Pakistan (emphasis added) but to press the Wali, hoping that he would agree to the basic grievances of the Swatis and call them to a round table for a dialogue." And that the "leaders were all this time hoping that the Wali would soften and call them for a dialogue; never for a moment did they think of merging the State with Pakistan (emphasis added). But unfortunately as the movement gained strength, the Wali's attitude was becoming more and more stubborn".
Innumerable letters and telegrams were sent to Yahya Khan against the Wali, not only from Swat but also from other corners of the country even in forged names and in dozens by single individuals. However, the Wali was not ready to give concession, introduce reforms and give up even a minor portion of his powers and authority. He was stubborn and arrogant and his stand was that either he himself will rule with absolute powers and authority or there will be no State at all.
The Wali detained Fateh Muhammad Khan, his brothers and Sardar Khan of Sijbanr on charges of their would-be attack on him. He terminated services of Prof. Abdul Wahid Khan, one of the early members of the "Malki Rurwali", and member of its Executive Committee, as well as various other persons. Later arrest of Amanullah Khan and Malik Sher Muhammad Khan, a former Revenue Minister of the Swat State, was ordered. The Wali's militia attempted to arrest both of them and in an incident of firing a servant of Malik Sher Muhammad Khan lost his life.
At this, some of the leaders rushed to meet Yahya Khan to apprise him of the critical situation in Swat. But he was out of Rawalpindi to entertain President Nixon who was on his visit to Pakistan.So instead Lt. Col. Arif (later General Arif) who was Military Secretary to Yahya Khan was contacted. He ordered the authorities to direct the Wali to abstain from such acts. Ajmal Khattak, Afzal Bangash, Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil, Pir Fazle Khaliq, father of General Fazle Haq, a brother of Yahya Khan and some other politicians were already co-operating with the movements. Then some of the leaders called on Mahmud Ali Qasuri and Z.A. Bhutto and sought their cooperation. Bhutto assured them of his help.
Thus due to the aforementioned developments and causes, the stage for the drama was set. Yahya Khan was not in favour of the merger because of the developments in East Pakistan, the proximity of the States (Chitral, Dir and Swat) with USSR, and due to the would-be administrative burden. However, it is generally said and believed that Pirzada included announcement of the merger of the States in Yahya Khan's speech, which was not included in the original draft. Yahya Khan announced thus merger of Swat State with Pakistan, along with the States of Dir and Chitral, in a proclamation on July 28, 1969.
It should be noted that from the very outset Pakistan's policy towards the Princely States was not in interest of the States. SJ. Olver reports, in a secret letter on 15th July, 1948 from the Office of the High Commissioner for the United Kingdom, Karachi, that "in order to put pressure on Kalat itself to accede to Pakistan, offer of accession from these feudatories (i.e. Lass Bela, Kharan and Makran who were the former feudatories of the State of Kalat) were engineered and accepted by Pakistan. The legal validity of the accession in these three cases is not altogether free from doubt...".
After seeking accession of the Princely States Pakistan, too, embarked on the policy of their merger. Liaqat Ali Khan expressed his will "that the time has come for us to merge these States". But he was assassinated before materializing his decision. So all other States were merged save the three States of Swat, Dir and Chitral. It was the geo-strategic location of these States and some other factors that their merger took such a time. However powers of the rulers of the States of Dir and Chitral had been curtailed many years before their formal merger by appointing Political officers there who practically wielded all the powers of the rulers. While the Wali of Swat wielded all the powers up till the merger. So effects of the merger did not prove the same in all the three States and, in fact, it was Swat State that was merged by Yahya Khan.
It is worth mentioning that most of those who worked against the autocracy were in services at the time and associated with the underground movement. They remained in services after the merger as well. They did not come open and remained in background. So the credit was cashed by those who remained loyal to the Wali throughout their life but became aggrieved in the last days due to their own causes or by those who were not in the services. This was probably the only instance in history where only two lives were the price paid for winning against autocracy.
EFFECTS OF THE MERGER
Merger of Swat State with Pakistan brought an end of autocracy, solace for a section of the people, political freedom for all, open competition, equal opportunities in all services and all fields, security of services and promotions under a certain policy. However many servants of the State in different departments and in different ranks were forcedly retired by the Deputy Commissioner of Swat citing Pakistani law. But they were deprived of their pensions and other benefits, permissible under the Pakistani rules, on the plea of status quo. Some were dismissed. All these were contrary to the assurances of the Pakistani President given to the State servants after the merger.87 That was why an "All Swat Employees Association" was formed by the ex-State servants for safeguarding their rights and interests.
The immediate response of the merger of Swat State was resentment of the pro-Wali group in Swat and that of the Government of Afghanistan. The pro-Wali group in Saidu Sharif and Mingawara agitated and plundered property of Mahmud ul Hasan Butt. However Humayun Khan, Political Agent Malakand and who was made Deputy Commissioner of Swat as well after three days, pacified the anti - merger agitation with a stratagem. Giving the bureaucratic assurance of his full support, he asked the anti-merger lobby to stop agitation in order to avert army action against the Wali and the agitators themselves. And instead a campaign of letter writing and getting signatures against the merger be initiated so that to be sent and forwarded to Yahya Khan. The Wali himself, too, was not in favour of agitation due to his own causes. The agitation ended. The letters and signatures, double of the total number of the population (they were of course forged), did not reach Yahya Khan but were burnt.
On the other hand, conducting the routine work of the State by the Wali, though virtually he ceased practicing his powers and authority, and the anti-merger agitation and campaign of letters and signatures worried those who had worked against the Wali. They proceeded and contacted the political leaders, who had already co-operated with them and some officials so that the proclamation may not be abrogated.
A spokesman of the Afghan Government, bitterly protesting, stated that the merger of the States would have no validity unless Yahya got the consent of the Pukhtun people. Responding the statement, a spokesman of the Pakistan Foreign Office said that the measure was entirely within the domestic jurisdiction of Pakistan and that the step had been taken in compliance with the persistent demand of the people of these States voiced for long, through public meetings, press statements, telegrams and petitions to the government.
The merger was proclaimed in the aforementioned manner. Neither proper planning for materialisation of the plan of the merger had been done, nor the would-be problems and consequences were properly assessed. This became the bone of all the adverse effects and consequences. Announcement of the merger was made on July 28, 1969 and the Gazette notification, wherein Regulation 3 tided "Rulers shall cease to exercise administrative functions etc", had been done on 15,thAugust 1969. There too no "officer, person, authority" had been appointed or empowered to exercise and perform the powers and functions of the Rulers. It was in a secret notification dated Lahore the 16th August 1969 that the Commissioner of Malakand Division was empowered "...to exercise and perform subject to the general supervision and direction of the Government all the powers and functions which immediately before the commencement of the said Regulation were being exercised and performed by the Rulers of the specified territories".
So, proclamation of the merger created total confusion in Swat. In fact Swat became a land of lawlessness and uncertainty. A sort of anarchy prevailed. It should be mentioned here that though the State was merged, legally the Wali yet possessed all powers and authority. He looked after the routine works but practically ceased to exercise his powers and perform all his functions. Because in his own words "... people know that the State has been merged, so I have no authority". On the other hand no one possessed legal authority to exercise and perform the Wali's powers and functions. Administrative officers of the State were also confused due to the uncertain situation.The Swatis faced a unique situation with the merger of the State due to the new administrative set¬up and change in the mode of administration. Since then, in the new bureaucratic set-up, no one acknowledges himself responsible. Each one excuses that it is neither his jurisdiction nor his responsibility. Though practically they have certain limitations, the new mode and policy of administration is to pass the time better not to solve the problems. That is why mass mismanagement and insecurity of life and property and comparatively more corruption, injustice, plunder of natural resources and so forth are the further clear and visible signs of the new set-up. It should be admitted in all fairness that though autocrat the Walis were excellent administrators and they ruled efficiently for most of the period.
Previously there was no red-tapism. Every thing was done quickly. The developmental projects were completed very well and in quite a short period but with the merger, the new administrators turned deaf ears to the development of Swat. Commissioner of Malakand Division, Sayyad Munir Hussain, wrote a note "further developmental works are no more needed in Swat. They are more than sufficient (emphasis added); we should have only to maintain them. Consequently, developmental works came to a standstill. Proper maintenance of roads and other existed works faded away. Free of cost facilities of health and education was withdrawn. Inverse development took place and instead of climbing to zenith the Swatis fell into abyss with the introduction of "Pakistanism". The situation deteriorated in all respects.
The social set-up shook at once, because the change came all of a sudden and the previous strict control did not remain intact. Previously the non-Swatis were bound to give a surety bond for residing in Swat, that they will not indulge in unwanted acts and activities. They were not allowed to purchase land in Swat but with the permission of the Wali, which he had granted in some special cases. Even to run business and industry they had to provide surety bonds and so forth.
But as a corollary of the merger all those sanctions and restrictions faded away. Influx of non-Swatis came and settled in Swat. It created problems of the rapid growth of the population of Swat. Rapid and unplanned expansion of the city of Mingawara and the adjoining settlements took place, which caused various problems for the people of Swat and the Municipal Committee as well. Prices of land went up due to the influx and pressure from all over the country. River Swat became polluted and the Swati Society is being engulfed by various vices.
Disputes of the ownership of land emerged on a large scale. Because those whose lands were occupied forcibly, or on some other reasons, by the ruling family and the powerful Khans, either attempted to regain their lands or filed writs for them. While the Gujars, who were mostly tenants and possessed no land by virtue of their descent," took advantage of the new set-up and of the Pakistan Peoples Party announcements and claimed ownership of the land, which they occupied. Even those who had sold their land reclaimed them on the plea that these had been confiscated, and some age-old land disputes were also renewed. All these disputes aggravated the situation and caused some unwanted incidents and losses. A "Land Commission" was appointed but of no avail.
Mass deforestation occurred. Because forests were ruthlessly destroyed by contractors on one hand, for squeezing more wealth, and on the other by the people themselves which were previously kept under pressure and strict control and got freedom all of a sudden. There was no check, neither on the contractors nor on the people, so the unbounded freedom was highly misused
Before the merger, whether just or unjust, decisions were quick and chief. The litigants did not bear undue expenditures and the prolonged procedures. Not only this but the decisions were properly executed and implemented. With the merger, the position took a U-turn. Regulation No I of 1969 merged the State with this much change only that powers and functions of the Rulers were ceased and these were delegated to a person, officer or authority appointed or empowered by the Provincial Government. All the old laws including Regulations, orders, rules, notification and customs, having the force of law, were kept continued in force. This status quo created confusion and uncertainty. There were no clear cut laws, rules and regulations and the administrative cum judicial officers used to define and pronounce the riwaj according to their own will. That was why an association was formed which was named "Justice League".
On 31st December 1970 Gazette Notification of 'Tribal Areas (Application of Laws) Regulation 1970" was done. This introduced Criminal Courts with the enforcement of these laws: The Police Act, 1861; The Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898; The Pakistan Penal Code (Act XLV of 1860); and The Evidence Act, 1872. Thus the old laws were repealed to that extent. On April 17, 1974 Regulation I of 1974 was enforced which established Civil and Revenue Courts by extending these laws: The West Pakistan Civil Courts Ordinance, 1962; The Code of Civil Procedures, 1908; and The West Pakistan Land Revenue Act, 1967. Off and on laws were extending replacing the old laws. However the major change was the promulgation of Regulation No I of 1975, Regulation No II of 1975 and Regulation No IV of 1976, commonly known as PATA Regulations, which led the prevailing conditions from bad to worse.
With the merger confusion and chaos prevailed in Swat. The litigants did not know where to turn for justice. Quick and chief trial and decisions, whether just or unjust, and their proper execution and implementation came to an end. The prolonged procedures, undue delay, great expenditures, high bribes, misuse of riwaj and the further deterioration by PATA Regulations highly aggravated almost all the people of Swat, and resulted the momentum of the movement 'Tanzim Nifaz Shariat Muhammadi" (TNSM) in Swat, and the demand for the enforcement of Shariat.
These were the main effects and consequences of the merger of Swat State with Pakistan. A spokesman of the Foreign Office of Pakistan responding to the statement of the Afghan Government spokesman against the merger, himself had pointed out on August 6, 1969 that the people felt that the merger "... would accelerate the pace of their development". President Yahya Khan too had promised that the existing facilities and privileges will be kept intact and the rights denied by the ex-rulers will be granted.1" However instead of the acceleration of the "pace of development" inverse development took place. Most of the hopes, expectations and promises proved futile, and most of the effects and consequences of the merger did not prove good and favourable for Swat and the people of Swat.
It is noteworthy that those who have worked against the Wali were not unanimous in their designs. Most of them were not against the State. Their main concern was not the merger but reforms, constitutional government with a powerful Consultative Council and freedom from autocracy within the State. But, as has already been stated, the Wali's stand was that either he will rule with absolute powers and authority or there will be no State at all.
The aforementioned were the main blessings and curses of the new set-up. They were also the consequences of the transfer of authority and responsibility in decision making from a small and local to a larger and wider national and provincial centralization. Thus the model of Swat State could be studied to show how a constitutional localized system could work within the broader framework of a national State in a changing socio-political scenario.
Pre Buddhist Era in Valley Swat
Swat, the land of abundant water, plants, small and big mysterious mountains have a long, rich and remarkable history. This land fused various civilizations and cultures, such as, the Aryans, the Greeks and the Buddhists and for most of its known history retained its separate entity. The Italian Archeological Mission (IsMEO) has been trying to search the historical findings and archaeological relics of these ancient people in the Valley. The history of the earliest settlements in the Valley has been traced back to 3000 B.C.
Aryans in Valley Swat
Aryan mentioned Swat River with the name Suvastu and to that effect the land. The mention of Suvastu in Reg-veda testifies the Aryan settlements in this beautiful valley. The Aryan migrations towards eastern Afghanistan and northwest India traced back to 2500 B.C. They were absorbed in consolidating their power in these parts of India and Afghanistan.The Aryans migrated to Swat valley in 14th century B.C after having been ousted by the Iranians.
The Aryans were inclined to natural phenomena in their beliefs. They considered mountains and lakes sacred. Mountains like Elum and lakes like Saidgai, Bisigram and Daraal were respected and praised. The mountains had gotten the status of community centres for tribes and had considered the patron of the tribe, the seat of the ancestor.
Another Aryan tradition concerns with their drinks Soma, an evergreen medicinal plant, mentioned in Reg-veda. It was a religious practice that the Aryans would prepare a special kind of beverage of this plant and then it presented to gods, as offering, through fire. The festival would celebrate at a particular time while singing and dancing. Soma would grow in Swat in abundance, festival would held and the people would use to drink wine or other intoxicating liquors probably extracted from 'rhubarb haoma-zairi-gaono' of Avesta, the soma of the Vedas.
Swat and Persia
Swat shares its long ancient religious, cultural, with Persia. It cannot be said with certainty whether Persia had extended its political yoke to Swat or not. It is a crux to be solved. The Persians since Cyrus 1st had been trying to make their way towards the east. They even appeared at the door of the Gandahara at that time, and knocked down its various territories. Gandahara had made the seventh province of the Achaemenian Empire and the third in the eastern provinces. Muhammad Ashraf Khan is of the view that Swat valley, probably, was brought by the Achaemenians under their control and ruled it until the Macedonians ousted them. Some scholars believe that Swat was within the boundaries of ancient Gandahara. Makin Khan writes that Darius of Parsia invaded Udyana in 518 BC. But Professor Tucci says that undoubtedly Swat had been under Gandaharan influence but it should not be considered as being identical with or included in Gandahara or in Kapisa. Afghanistan. It had a position by itself, separate from Gandahara. Herodotus assembled his information about the easternmost boundaries of the Achaemenian Empire from Iranian informants who by themselves had no exact notion in this respect.
The religious ties between Swat and Persia, during the Achaemenian era, seem to be strong enough. Gandahara was contiguous to Persia where Zoroastrianism has reached to its peak; the valley might be affected by such development in its neighborhood. Professor A.H. Dani believes on the basis of some receptacles found in Balambat that Achaemenian religion existed in Swat. But Professor Tucci on the contrary, argues that the presence of some lamps cannot be sufficient to prove Dani’s opinion. Professor Tucci calls the findings only family chapels what Dani declares (Zoroastrian religious) "fire altars".
But the most vigorous relationship between Swat and Persia was in cultural sphere. Swat remained center of cultural exchanges and foreign influences. The Archeologists have found many similar tools and artifacts, both in Iran and Swat, which shows the cultural and commercial affinities between the two regions. The pottery found at Loebanr III that includes Black-Gray Burnished and Brown Gray Gritty wares, is the expression of Iranian influence. Similarly, tools found in the graveyards of Katelai, Butkara II, In the settlements of Aligrama and Balambat also testify northern Iranian influences. Another discovery is the drawing of dogs, found in higher strata of Gogdara I. In ancient Iranian religions dogs were very impotent and the finding of dogs as main animals of rock images indicates the presence of Indo-Iranian authors in Swat. The gray vases with disk or button bases found in the Valley are being dated back to the last quarter of the 2nd millenium B.C. had also been found in northwestern Iran.Similarly a variety of tools and handicrafts appears to be used in public life both in Iran and Swat.
Swat's particular geographical position, in Asia, had exposed it to foreign influences and its historical and cultural development underwent multiple changes. The interaction of different people at different periods of time in the Valley proves that Swat evolved intimate terms with many races in the course of history. The archaeological findings here suggest the spreading of cultural and probably ethnical change too. The similarity between the tools and artifacts of the two regions is not due to the same origin of these people but to the Persian cultural influence over Swat.
Swat's particular geographical position, in Asia, had exposed it to foreign influences and its historical and cultural development underwent multiple changes. The interaction of different people at different periods of time in the Valley proves that Swat evolved intimate terms with many races in the course of history. The archaeological findings here suggest the spreading of cultural and probably ethnical change too. The similarity between the tools and artifacts of the two regions is not due to the same origin of these people but to the Persian cultural influence over Swat.
Swat's particular geographical position, in Asia, had exposed it to foreign influences and its historical and cultural development underwent multiple changes. The interaction of different people at different periods of time in the Valley proves that Swat evolved intimate terms with many races in the course of history. The archaeological findings here suggest the spreading of cultural and probably ethnical change too. The similarity between the tools and artifacts of the two regions is not due to the same origin of these people but to the Persian cultural influence over Swat.
Alexander In Valley Swat
The first ever mention of swat in historical documents is found in the accounts of Arrian, a Greek historian .In his arduous campaign of the East. Alexander invaded and passed en route, for the conquest of India, through swat but suffered great hardships. When he crossed river Panjkora toward Swat, 327 B.C., he marched first to attack Massaga, the biggest city of the area. The defenders, at Massaga, showed heroic courage and gave tough time to the invaders. They foiled the attempts on the city and defended it with great vigor. They at last concluded a treaty of peace with Alexander because of the death of their king, who was hit by the enemy, and also due to the introduction and use of advanced, and unfamiliar techniques and strategy by the Macedonians.
At the fall of Massaga Alexander dispatched one of his generals to Bazira and three to another city, Ora, instructing them to draw a rampart round it, and to invest it until his arrival. The inhabitants of Bazira stood firm and the matter did not go well with the Macedonians.Though Alexander directed his own march for Bazira, he himself proceeded directly against Ora and sent directions to Koinos at Bazira. After a gallant and stubborn resistance and defence, both Ora and Bazira also fell to the Macedonians. Alexander made Ora and Massaga strongholds for bridling the districts around them and the same time strengthened defences of Bazira and left Swat for his campaign of India. The inhabitants of Swat so detested the alien rule that whilst Alexander was encamped among the rivers of the Punjab that they threw off fear and renounced allegiance and enjoyed either independent or semi-independent status subsequently
Buddhist Era in Valley Swat
The Indo-Greeks (those Greek rulers who occupied the seats in India after the downfall of the Mauryas) and the Scythian or had its relations and economic ties with them. Menander, among the Indo-Greeks occupied the Swat valley. It was later handed over to a sub-king Antimachus II. At the death of Menander his wife Agathocleia ruled at first in her own right and later jointly with her son. In order to counterbalance the influence of Antimachus- who assumed independence at Arrachosia (around Ghazni) –and other descendants of Diodotus, she appointed Zoilus I, a member of her family, as a sub- king in the Swat valley. Zoilus ruled briefly in Swat; for he was went to Arachosia, on the death of Antimachus II, to regain it. After Zoilus I, the known sub-king of Swat is Apollodutus who was overthrown by the Saka chief Maues.
Another Scythian tribe, the Sai of the Upper lli and different from the Scythians of the Jaxatas valley for other areas west of them, also reached and occupied Swat and the adjoining area. It was soon after 100 B.C. that Maues, the first known Saka King in India, followed the Indo-Greek rulers in Swat valley and Gandhara by overthrowing Apolodotus from the area.
Kadphises I, leader of the Kushans who were from the nomads race of Central Asia, seized vast territories extended to the south of Kabul river and established his rule. During the reign of the Kushana dynasty in the west and south of Swat the factual position whether Swat became an integral part of the Kushana Empire or retained it own independent status is uncertain. It is most probable that Swat or its petty chiefs had been a tributary Kushana.
When the boundaries of theTurki Shahi kingdom of Kabul were extended from the border of Sistan to northern Punjab, in the middle of the seventh century A.D., Swat was annexed in the process in about 745. The Turkey Shahi kingdom of Kabul was overthrown by Yaqub bin Lais in 870. The Hindu Shahi dynasty established its rule after the downfall of the Turkey Shahis, and with the passage of time extended boundaries of its kingdom. Information about Swat of the Hindu Shahi reign is also scanty. Nevertheless the Bari Kot incription of the reign of Jayapaladeva found on a hill to the north of Bari Kot hints at Swat being a part of the Hindu Shahi or at least under their over-lordship at the time. However, the question that whether Swat remained an integral part of the Hindu Shahi kingdom or not, is not easy to settle.
When the Hindu Shahi rule was sweft away by the Muslim under Mahmood of Ghazna, Swat was also not spared. The Muslim attacked Swat (ca. A.D.1001-1002), it seems, after the defeat of Raja Jaipal and besieged the reigning Raja Geera near Udigram . The traditions and legends make a fantasy and romance of the fall of the fortress by stating that the fortress, after withstanding repeated assaults by the forces of Mahmud, finally surrendered when the King’s daughter, who was in love with one of Mahmud’s general, revealed the place from where the fort got its water supply. Consequently, the supply was cut down, which forced the garrison to fight.
After the occupation of the valley by the Muslims, people from deferent pukhtun tribes settled in Swat. They came to be known Swati Pukhtuns. They established their rule for centuries. Practically, they remained independent and out of the sphere of the neighbouring Muslims rulers of Afghanistan and India throughout their occupation.
The sixteenth century proved turning point in the history of Swat as the Yusufzai Pukhtun occupied the land. At that time, the last decade of the fifteen-century, Swat was in the possession of the Swati Pukhtuns and Sultan Uwais was its chief ruler. Though the Yusufzais established matrimonial relations with the Sultan, they were ambitious for the valley. They worked out their plan, foiled defensive measures of the Swaties by a stratagem and occupied Lower Swat. By the sixteenth century Lower Swat was in the possession of the Yusufzais.Their advance came to a halt for the time being.
The Yusufzais resumed their advance during the reign of Humayun, the Mughal ruler of India, and Sultan Uwais and most of the old Swati Pukhtuns were compelled to leave their possessions in Upper Swat. Upper Swat was taken by the yusufzais. Though the Yusufzai did not make their advance toward the mountainous area of the Swat Kohistan, they continue their inroads in the other bordering areas, they extended their occupation to the territories of Gwarband, Puran, Chakisar and Kanra as well.
While the Yusufzais gained footing in Swat, Babur made himself master of Kabul. Collision between the two sides was unavoidable, because one of Babur’s routs to India fell within the domain of the yusufzais. With the intentions of attacking the yusufzais, Babur marched for Swat and dismounted in between the water of Punjkora and united waters of Jandol and Bajawar. But he refrained from advancing in to Swat. Instead of arms he used diplomacy and tactics and left for Ashnaghar from Bajawar.
The Yusufzais of Swat retained their independent position during Babur’s, Kamran’s and Humayun’s reign. Swat remained un-penetrated by the Mughals till Akbar’s time. Akbar ascended the throne in 1556, but he did not succeed to rule over Swat. In December 1585 Akbar sent an army to conquer Kashmir and another army was sent under the command of Zain Khan Koka in to Bajawar and Swat.
Akbar’s imperialism led to fighting. The Mughal forces sent under the command of Zain Khan faced stiff resistance and suffered great hardships. Zain Khan asked for reinforcements. The reinforcements, sent under the command of Raja Birbil and Hakim Abul Fateh, enter Swat in 1556 with great difficulty. Chakdara was made the base and foundation of a fort was laid there. From there the combined forces made their bed for Buner. But they were taken to task at Karakar defile. The Mughal forces met disaster. Raja Birbil lost his life along with eight thousand Mughal soldiers. They, however, made another bid under the command of Zain Khan and fought in Bajawar and Swat from 1587 to 1592 but without any real or lasting success.
Jahangir and Shah Jahan did not make bid for Swat. In Aurangzeb’s reign the Swat’s Yusufzais came to the help of their brethren in the plains, in 1667, who were fighting against the Mughals. In reprisal, the Mughals Commander-in-Chief entered the Swat valley and destroyed a village but returned in haste. The Swatis retained freedom throughout the Mughal period and also during the reign of the Durranis and the Sikhs.
With the annexation of the Punjab and occupation of Peshawar by the English, a new phase in the history of Swat began. Swat remained independent. It became a harbour of refuge for out laws and for refugees. And opponents of the colonial rulers from the British occupied territory; and a centre of inti-British sentiments. The Pukhtun under the English control constantly got inspiration from Swat to rise against the English.
The landmark was the formation of a government in Swat in 1849. Anxious for their independence, the Swati chiefs got alarmed with the British power at their doorstep. They held jigas and at last installed Sayyad Akbar Shah as the king of Swat. He died on 11 May 1857.
The year 1857, year of the War of Independence in India, passed off without disturbance in Swat because the king of the Swat State died on 11May 1857. Swat itself plunged in to civil war and remained entirely preoccupied with its own affairs. The attitude taken up by the Akhund of Swat, at this time, also favoured the British Government.
After 1857, the Swatis had no had no significant collision with the British until the Ambela campaign in 1863 when the British forces made their advance through the Ambela pass, in October 1863, in order to pass through Buner territory and crush the followers of Sayyed Ahmad Brailwi, in their colony, at Malka. Their advance was blocked and the tribes of Buner and Swat rose en mass.
The Imperial Government ordered that 15 Novembere 1863 should complete the operation, but it received telegram after telegram from the frontier, begging for more and more troops. Combination of the tribes firmly resisted the mighty British forces and gave them tough time for about two months. The Imperial power failed but its diplomacy worked. A truce was concluded and tribes dispersed.
The Swatis remained peaceful, after the Ambela war. They made no attempt, on the whole, against the Imperial Government till the Akhund of Swat, on January 1877, because the Akhund prevailed over the situation, despite great pressure upon him. In 1895, the internal developments once more resulted in a collision and stiff fighting between the Swatis and the British forces when the Swatis resolved to block the passage of the British forces, through their country, to Chitral and Umara khan of Jandol. When Umara Khan ignored the warnings and advice of the British officials at Chitral, Gilgit, Peshawar, or those with the Asmar boundary mission, the authorities ordered mobilization at Peshawar, of the First Division of the field army under Major-General Sir Robert Low as the Chitral Relief Force of some 15,000 men to implement orders.
A proclamation informed the tribes about the causes for the passage of the forces through their territory. They were assured that if they remained neutral and did not try to molest the passage of troops no harm would be done to them or to their property, and that government had no intention of annexing their country. Disregarding the Britishers proclamation, the Swatis held all the three passes from which the troops could enter Swat en route Chitral.
The Chitral Relief Force left Nowshera on 1 April 1895, under the command of Sir Robert Low. To keep the enemy divided, it was decided that Mora and Shah Kot passes be threatened and the main attack should be made on the Malakand, the strategy adopted some four centuries earlier by the Yusufzais themselves against the then defender of Swat. The attack was carried out on third of April. The tribesmen, most whom were unarmed, defended themselves with great gallantry, against the well-equipped and well-organised massive British troops. They continued their resistance and stopped the advance of the troops and artillery of the largest State of the world till 1895. The Britishers succeeded in making their advance and for the first time since the days of Zain Khan leader of Akbar’s armies, a host from the south entered the green belt of the Swat valley. They established garrisons at Malakand and Chakdara. The Political Agency of Dir and Swat was also instituted with its head quarter at Malakand, which was given under the direct control of the Central British Indian Government because of its significance.
At the flight of Umara Khan of Jandol, the British Indian Government reinstalled Sharif Khan as the Khan of Dir. All the territories previously occupied by Umara Khan were bestowed upon him and he was raised officially to the status of the Nawab of Dir.
It was easy to win hearts of the people. They considered presence of the British Indian authority as a common danger. Emotions ran high and within the passage of barely two years the most formidable revolt against the British arms took place that was ever witnessed even in the north -west Frontier of India. There was great unrest not only in swat but throughout the tribal belt on north- west border of the British Indian Empire In such a time the Sartor Faqir appeared in the upper Swat in July 1897. He claimed that his mission is to turn the British off the Malakand and out of Peshawar.
The English gave little importance to the new movement at first, but gravity of the situation could no longer be ignored towards the end of July. The troops stationed in the neighborhood were alerted and were asked to be ready for action at the shortest notice, and on 26 July 1897, the guides were summoned from Mardan.
The Sartor Faqir started his march from Landakai, on 26 July, for Malakand and Chakdara. His standard became a rallying point for thousands of fighting men from Upper Swat, Buner, the Uthman Khel country and even more distant parts. On the British side, the Guides arrived from Mardan at Malakand on the other day, 27 July, after their famous march. By 28 July the mobilisation of more troops in India was ordered. Heavy fighting continued at both the places, actually almost never ceased, until Malakand was relieved on the 1st August and Chakdara on the second.
Releasing the severe nature of the uprising, the Governor General in Council sanctioned the dispatch of the Malakand Field Force, on 30 July 1897, for holding Malakand and the adjacent posts and for punishing the tribes involved. For the support of the Field Force immediate formation of a Reserve Brigade was also decided early in the August 1897. The first and the last punitive expedition in the Swat valley was led.
The forces reached Mingawara on 19 August 1897, after facing stiff resistance at various places up the valley and after bearing heavy losses especially of H.L.S. MacLean and Lieutenant R.T. Greaves. Reconnaissances were made up to Gulibagh and the Ghwarband pass. After a stay for four days at Mingawara, the forces went back.
The severe nature of the fighting at Kota and Naway Kalay near Landakai at the time of the punitive expedition up the valley and its significance to the British can be judged from the fact that the British government awarded her highest award Victoria Cross to Lieutenant-Colonel Adams and Viscount Fincadtle, whereas Lieutenant MacLean was deprived due to his death in course of fighting, near Naway Kalay. Five person were awarded the Order of Merit.
The Swatis by their uprising of 1897,not only compelled the mighty British arms for a full week to fight against untold odds, but turned the year of the Diamond Jubilee of the English successful emergence from the Indian War of Independence 1857 in to surely one of the most troublous year in all Indian history.
During the post-Malakand War years, the Sartor Faqir, however, had made no significant armed struggle against the British Indian Government in Swat. Due to the intermittent struggle and faction fights within Swat and against the Nawab of Dir and the role of some of those that were influential but were ambitious for the ruler-ship and were in good terms with the Government, notable collision did not occur. It was in 1915, that once more a bid was made, after the formation of Swat State, though not with success.
Pakistan, Swat State has the distinction of not being imposed by an imperial power or an individual but was founded in 1915 by a jarga of a section of the right bank Swat Valley after doing away with the rule of the Nawab of Dir over their areas. The youngest of the rule of the Princely States of India and dependent upon British Indian Government and later Pakistan for currency, post and telegraph, foreign affairs and later on electricity as well Swat State was internally independent. It had its own laws, its own justice, army, police and administration, budget and taxes, and also its own flag with an emblem of a fort in golden green background.
The Yusufzai State of Swat
Situated in the North-West Frontier Province of British India and later
Swat State was probably the only governmental machine in the contemporary world, which was run without superfluity of paper work, opined by Martin Moore. Abdul Jabar Shah was the Originator of the administrative system of the State, the first ruler of the State (1915-1917). This system was modified, developed and refined by his successors at the seat of the State, Miangul Abdul Wadud 1917- 1949 and Miangul Jahanzeb who ruled swat from1949- till the merger of the State in 1969.
1 Civil Administration
The State being founded by the jarga of a portion of Swat, the jarga had the power to install and depose the Ruler, which it practically exercised in the installation and removal of Abdul Jabbar Shah and also in the installation of Miangul Abdul Wadud. Abdul Wadud, however, gradually made himself complete autocrat and also made the office hereditary. And the rule of primogeniture was followed in succession to the seat.
1.1 The Ruler
The administrative hierarchy comprised the Ruler on the top and Tahsildar at the bottom. Wali was the official title of the Ruler who was the supreme head of the State, possessing all powers, and the virtual head of all the departments. The Pakistani Government got signed the Government of Swat (Interim Constitution) Act, 1954, by the then Ruler of the State under which the Ruler became bound to constitute an advisory Council, with fifteen elected members and ten members nominated by him. However, no Chief Minister was imposed upon him, who would hold all the powers, as was in the case of the other Princely State; and the Ruler, according to himself, was President of the Council, Chief Minister, and Ruler. After the constitution of the Advisory Council too, in actual practice, the Ruler’s will was the law.
Being transformed into an over centralised State and complete autocracy, the Rulers maintained the centralised political pattern without having to vest absolute local power in any single hierarchy of officers, and by requiring frequent consultations by telephone, they systematically balanced the persons in authority in any one area against each other. The Ruler’s own position, however, was such that his authority was neither balanced nor otherwise curtailed by any other formally constituted body.
1.2 Secretariat
During Abdul Wadud’s reign, at first there was no such arrangement. Then there was a Secretary, who was responsible for the correspondences with the British Government. He also performed other functions asked for by the Ruler. Later on, however, the Ruler had a Chief Secretary and a Private Secretary in the Secretariat at the Capital. The former maintained correspondence with the British Government and later with the Government of Pakistan. He had also to perform such other duties assigned by the Ruler. The Private Secretary maintained correspondence of the private nature of the Ruler and also performed other functions asked for by the Ruler.Later posts of Deputy Secretary and Assistant Secretary cum Information Officer were also created. They were to assist the Private Secretary in his duties relating to a number of departments. Besides, a posts of Assistant Secretary was created in the office of the Chief Secretary to assist him in his duties; and there was also a head of the Judicial Department in the Secretariat, at first called Hakim Ala, then Hakim Ala Daftar-e-Hizur, and later Mashir.
1.3 Wali Ahad
Being converted into a monarchy, the Ruler had a Wali Ahad (heir apparent). The heir apparent performed duties of the Ruler in his absence. His status was next to the Ruler within the State. In order to provide the heir apparent with some administrative work and experience, he was entrusted with some responsibilities. He had no authority to discharge or dismiss an official in presence of the Ruler, but had the power on assuming the duties of the Ruler in his absence. He, however, was not authorized to make appointment of any personnel.
1.4 Administrative Officials
At first the highest administrative official at the centre were the Wazir and Siph Salar (Commander-in Chief). In 1940 the post of Wazir-e-Azam (Prime Minister) was created but was abrogated shortly in 1943, and new posts and designations were created. These were the posts of Wazir-e-Mulk (Minister of State), Wazir-e-Mal (Revenue Minister) and Sipah Salar (Commander-in Chief). These officials assisted the Ruler in the administration of the State. They were in charge of their respective departments and were also assigned with duties of the supervision of various sub-divisions, i.e. Tahsils of the State, and so were in charge of their respective administrative areas for speedy and good administrative purposes
The administrative posts were not permanent, but depended upon the sweet will of the Ruler who made frequent changes, i.e. he created the posts of Mashirs (Advisors) then they were elevated to Wazirs (Ministers); they were again substituted by Mashirs but again the posts of Wazirs, Naib Wazirs and Mashirs are found.10 there were also some other officials at the centre. These were the highest officials of the State having different areas under their jurisdictions. They had their offices at capital, were subordinate to the Ruler and heir apparent but answerable only to the former, and held both original and appellate jurisdiction.
1.5 Administrative Division
Swat State was administratively divided into a number of administrative units called Hakimis and Tahsils. The administrative divisions were largely tribal in nature were run directly by the Central authority at Saidu Sharif but through the Tahsildars and Hakims
Like all other officials and servants, the Tahsildars and Hakims were appointed by the Ruler and were answerable to him. They held their posts at his good will and were frequently transferred. Like the Ruler, the Tahsildars and Hakims had multiple responsibilities in their jurisdictions. They had to perform the administrative, executive, judicial and financial duties; and also a number of other duties like visiting the construction works, signing deeds of property deals and Nikahnamas, and so forth.
1.6 Secret Service
There was neither formal secret service nor a need for it was felt, but in fact the Rulers kept their informers, who, on the whole, had neither good reputation nor any access to the elite circle and intelligentsia.
2 Military Administration
Although at first the traditional Lashkar system was kept intact along with the State forces due to the exigency of the time it was gradually done away completely with and numbers of the forces were increased.
2.1 Organisational Structure
The Ruler was the supreme head of the armed forces, and the Sipah Salar held the immediate command under him. The Sipah Salar was also assigned judicial and administrative duties.
Organisation of the armed forces was such that at the head of fifteen soldiers was an officer called Jamadar, five Jamadars were under a Subidar, five Subjdars under a Subidar Major and two Subidar Majors under a Captain. Prior to 1957 the Captain was called Kaman Afsar. Above them were two Naib Salars and one Sipah Salar, whose position was of the Defence Minister and Commander-in Chief. All of them were under the Ruler, who held the supreme authority and could order mobilisation of the forces. The Ruler had, moreover, the authority to appoint, promote and discharge men of all ranks, from an ordinary soldier up to Sipah Salar, according to his own discretion.
2.2 Types of the Armed Forces
Armed forces of the State comprised of two types of soldiers, i.e.Regular and Reserve. The Regular forces received remuneration while the Reserve did not even on active service.
The Regular forces were at first comprised of infantry and cavalry only but later on artillery, machine gun, signal and personal bodyguard of the Ruler were added to. Cavalry was the efficient and most effective part of the State armed forces in the early years of the state, but when neither menace from the neighboring States nor fear of revolt in the far flung areas remained and the road transport developed, owing to which cavalry became less useful, at first it was reduced in number and later on was completely done away with, in 1950s.
A part of Regular army was called Bahar Ardal. The artillery consisted of a few guns and canons of the old styles with a few mortars. The machine-guns were few in number at the centre for whose use and
The personal bodyguards of Mianul Jahanzeb were called Ardal-e-Hizur. Unlike the army soldiers and officers they received uniform, foot wear and cooked meal from the State.16 Service in the Wali’s bodyguard was considered more prestigious. Usually, men from the privileged families were employed in the bodyguard contingent.
2.3 Duties of the Armed Forces
Main duty of the armed forces was fighting in defense of the State, but they performed other duties as well while at peace, e.g. construction of roads, schools and bridges. Because they needed to be put to some task or otherwise they would become soft. The public works were no hardship on them: they served for two months a year, divided up in shorter stretches of ten days at a time, so that their cultivated fields would not suffer, nor their part”. Moreover, “they needed to see their officers, and be under discipline now and again.
2.4 Qalas and Thanas (Tanras)
Qalas (forts) were constructed throughout the State for the maintenance of law and order. Each fort was under the command of an officer, and their Forces Subidar or Jamadar who
soldiers, commonly known Qalawals as under him in the fort. All of them were required to live in the fort with their families. Every fort had a telephone and also a scribe for writing the reports of the day to day happenings. The fort institution was multi-purpose and multi-faceted. The highest officials of this department were four Majors and one Commander. Each Major was in charge of several forts and was responsible for the efficiency of his sub-ordinate officials.Later on the forts were gradually replaced with Thanas. Difference between the fort and the Thana was that the sepoys posted in the fort were known as Qalawals and the officers were Jamadars and Subidars; whereas sepoys and officer of the Thanas were called police and Thanidars, respectively. However, Thanidars did not head all the Thanas. Moreover, buildings of the Thanas were mostly comprised of two rooms while the forts were huge buildings with family quarters. Above all the Thanas did not serve all the purposes served by the fort.
3 Financial Administration
Like other states, affairs of Swat State too could not be run successfully without adequate financial resources and a sound finance system. Originator of Swat State’s financial administration too was Abdul Jabbar Shah.
3.1 Administrative Hierarchy
The Ruler was the supreme head also of the finance department. He was the final authority of financial awards and no disbursement can be made without his prior approval. Like civil administration, the administrative hierarchy in respect of finances comprised the Ruler on the top and the Tahsildar at the bottom. At each Tahsil there was, however, a special clerk known as Sub-Daftar Mirza. He had to realise the State’s dues of the ijara from the Ijaradars; to submit the accounts in the Revenue Minister’s office at the Centre; and to keep accounts of the State revenue of the Tahsil.
At first, there was no Revenue Minister but later on a Revenue Minister was appointed to head the department who was called Wazir-e-Mal and was later on replaced Mashir-e-Mal (Revenue Advisor). He administered the department on behalf of the Ruler and also held judicial, executive and administrative functions and authority. In financial matters, a treasurer and a small staff at the Centre assisted him.
In the later reign of Miangul Abdul Wadud the heir apparent, Miangul Jahanzeb, used to check the accounts daily. It was, however, the Ruler himself, during Jahanzeb’s reign, who used to check daily, early in the morning, the record and statements of the revenue department presented to him by the Treasury Officer called Muhtamim Khazana. The Revenue Minister and later Revenue Advisor has been kept aloof from knowing the factual position of the total amount in the exchequer; and actual heads where and how it was spent.
3.2 Sources of the Revenue
Mainsource of the State revenue was ushar, but in actual practice the State received 13.33% at the gross produce of the land at the threshing ground in the nature of ushar. In March 1969, the rate however was set at one tenth. In addition to ushar on crops, taxes /ushar was taken upon milch cows and buffaloes, herds of goats and sheep, orchards, beehives, and vegetables.
All the above mentioned taxes were not collected by the State itself, but were auctioned and granted to the highest bidders, known as Ijaragar/Ijaradar/Ushri, for the particular crop of the season, in case of ushar and for the year in case of other taxes, of the particular area.
The auctions were made by the Wazir-e-Mal through the Tahsildars. Only politically powerful persons made the bids. If they collected more they retained the excess, but if the collection was less they to make up the difference. The Ijaradar was required to pay the amount of grain/ghee/honey or the price thereof just after the collection season was over; that was why it was made obligatory for the concerned authorities to give the auctions to the financially well off persons, otherwise they themselves will have to pay the sum of the ijara.
Import and export duties (also called octroi), haysiyyat tax, road tax, motor vehicle and tanga fee, income from the contracts of the forests, salt and ghee, duty on bonds and fines for different crimes were also sources of the State income. Besides, there were the stamp papers, arms licences fees, telephone fees, manshiyat tax (the supply of alcohol, poppy and charas were given on contract), rent and income of the confiscated property, cattle’s fare tax; mines (among which the emerald mines were the major and prominent one), income from the State owned Swat Hotel, and grant from the Government of Pakistan were the other sources of the State revenue.
Taxation was heavy, which is aptly analysed by Barth by stating that revenue of the State depended on the taxing of the fruits of private activities; tithe on agricultural production, fees on the extraction of timber, tolls on imports and exports, and license fees on various activities. A thorough analysis of other sources of the State revenue not mentioned by Barth also confirms the statement of taxing of the fruits of private activities.
3.3 Expenditure of the revenue
The State’s income received from the different means and sources in the Tahsils were transmitted to the Central Exchequer after the disbursement of the payments and expenditures to be made at the Tahsil along with a return of income and expenditure.The State revenue had been disbursed and spent on administration (later on along with the Privy Purse), armed forces, police magazine factory, education, health department, roads and bridges, irrigation, muwajibs, press and publication, donations in Pakistani funds, malakana and relief, telephone department, jail, transport for public welfare, royalty of forests, expenditures of the Advisory Council, Government’s buildings, royalty of mines and committee of the retired servants. There was no audit of the State’s income and expenditures by any department or autonomous body.
4 Judicial Administration
Like other administrative spheres, Swat State had its unique status in respect of its judicial system.
4.1 Qazis, Shariat, Judicial Hierachy, and their Status
Qazis were appointed, claims Maingul Abdul Wadud, all over the State on the village, Tahsil and Hakimi levels to decide the cases and the litigants may not suffer travelling long distances to the courts. The Tahsil Qazi had not only to deal with the Tahsil level cases but also acted as a court of appeal for the decisions of the village Qazi. The Qazi attached with every Hakim acted as higher court of appeal. On the top was a court at the capital of the State, comprising of Chief Qazi and other learned scholars of Islamic jurisprudence, which adjudged serious cases and worked as a Supreme Court of Islamic Jurisprudence and the highest court of appeal.
However, the judicial hierarchy comprised the Ruler on the top and Tahsildar at the bottom. The Qazi could not take cognizance of the disputes unless referred to them by Tahsildar, Hakim, Mashir, Wazir, Heir Apparent, and the Ruler or other officials. Even the Commander-in Chief held judicial powers and duties. A new department known as Mehkama-e-Munsifan was established later on. The munsifs were also entrusted with judicial power. Their panel usually had to visit the spot and had either to give their own judgement or had to report the position to the Ruler or heir apparent.
It should not be taken, as is commonly believed, that Shariat was the Supreme Law and that all the people were bound to follow and decide their cases accordingly in the Qazi courts. There was no separation of power in respect of the State officials. Administrative, executive, fiscal and judicial powers and functions were vested at a time in the hands of the State officials and Ruler, but the Qazis did not possess any sort of administrative, executive, fiscal and real judicial powers and functions. The Qazi courts were subservient to the Administrative cum Judicial officers and Islamic Laws to the regional ‘Codes of Conduct,’ and both were subordinate to the orders of the Rulers.
There were fines for all kinds of offences, I.e. murders, thefts, adultery, and so forth. Strict Islamic rules and laws were seldom followed. All the fines were fixed by the local jargas in the Codes of Conduct or by the Rulers.
It us noteworthy that procedural uniformity did not exist in filling petitions and their dispensation. Petition has been filed to a variety of the State officials, e.g. Tahsildar, Hakim, Hakim Ala, Naib Mashir, Mashir, Wali, Sipah Salar, Wali Ahmad and the Wali. Petitions and applications on the ordinary paper and letters from abroad have also been entertained. All the related officials instructions, correspondence, orders, and so forth has been done on the back of the papers on which petitions has been filed. However, the final decisions and verdicts have been given on stamp papers to those in whose favour the cases have been decided. The verdicts of the decisions have been usually brief, stating names of the petitioner(s) and the respondent(s), contentions of the parties and the reason for the decision in favour of the one party, written in Pukhtu which was the official language of the State. These have also been recorded in the in the State registers as official copies. Besides, some of the shortcomings of the Western judicial system-technicality, delay, and high cost were not known ever
4.2 Free Litigation, and Quick Decisions
In Swat State not only procedures of litigation were simple but also the cases were decided quickly in one or two hearings and the decisions were properly implemented as well. Moreover, there was no court fee.
The people were safe from the pull and drag of lengthy litigation and the verdicts had been brief and properly implemented, but germs of favoritism and corruption were present from the outset. Not only the State officials having judicial powers but the Qazis were also not free from bribes, personal motives and interests. The practice conhy ftinued throughout and more so in the later years. The Rulers did not take firm action elimination of bribery and corruption for their own reasons.
Although the Rulers themselves were from bribery, but they had to serve their own other interests. Fredrik Barth, a Norwegian anthropologist, points out that the Wali’s account emphasizes the settlement of cases as the most essential function of the Ruler. But, Barth observes that the settlement of cases was the most important way in which the State sought to regulate local level politics, and thereby secure its own survival in the context of deep and powerful political processes generated on the village level.
5 Rules and Regulation
Being aware of the intricacy of the situation, Miangul Abdul Wadud adopted a unique strategy. He did not frame a constitution and uniform laws of his own, but asked the local jargas to frame rules and regulations for their respective areas. These rules were strictly enforced and people would abide by them. The rules thus framed were called Dasturul Amal (Code of Conduct). The codes of Conduct thus framed by the jargas for their respective localities of the Swat State were not uniform.
Side by side, the Ruler issued orders and implemented his commandments at his own will. These orders were sometimes contrary to the existing Codes of Conduct, but the jargas had been asked to pass and make these orders their Codes of Conduct in future. The Ruler issued and conveyed his orders and commandments, during Miangul Abdul Wadud’s reign, mostly telephonically. Miangul Jahanzeb too issued and conveyed his orders telephonically to the administrative personnel but his decrees meant for the common people were issued also in written form.
The rules and regulations framed by the jargas and decrees issued by the Rulers have been implemented but fear and favour, and discretion and discrimination have been observed though not frequently
Conclusion
Miangul Abdul Wadud and Miangul Jahanzeb were not the originators of the administrative system of Swat State. They, however, raised the super structure upon the foundation laid by Abdul Jabbar Shah. They made developments and modifications therein and transformed the raw structure into a somewhat organized one.
In the administrative apparatus, all the appointments, promotions, and dismissals rested with the rulers. There was complete autocracy and absolutism during Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb’s entire reign. Both of them, however were energetic and hard working, and, on the whole, ruled firmly and benevolently. They personally supervised all the affairs of the State and administration keenly and minutely, and held daily courts save the holidays. They kept themselves informed of all the matters and cases, great or small. People, influential and ordinary, had an access to them in the office, but in a visible discriminative way, especially in Jahanzeb’s case.
The administrative hierarchy, from top to bottom, on the whole, worked quickly and effectively and so stands unique, at least among the Princely States. Direct appointments on the posts of Tahsildars, Hakims, Mashirs, Wazirs and the similar other officials had not been made during Jahanzeb’s reign. On the whole, they were promoted from the clerks of the Ruler’s secretariat stage wise, but in some cases the promotions had been given rapidly.
The technique adopted by Abdul Wadud to honour the local tribal traditions and aspirations, to a greater extent, in the formulation of rules, regulations and administrative machinery, worked well successfully. The contemporary British reports had endorsed the success and effectiveness of the rules and penal codes introduced and implemented in Swat State.
The collective local responsibility of either surrending the culprits or to pay the fine imposed in case the culprits and offenders were not known or not pointed out by the people of the concerned place, was an effective measure and tool for tracing the culprits and offenders and also for minimizing the offences, thefts and other unwanted acts of such natures. It should be noted that in the early years of Abdul Wadud’s rule, the thieves were to be shot dead on the spot or where ever they were to be found.
Like civil administration, the military organization of the State exhibited its own features. The financial system too had its own unique features under Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb. The Ruler was the State’s exchequer. No officer, even the Wazir-e-Mal or Mashir-e-Mal, was entitled to draw a single rupee from the State treasury, except with the approval and signature of the Ruler. There was no limitation on the Ruler in disbursement from the State exchequer and there was no audit of him. In a sense the State and private revenue and income of the Ruler, especially during Abdul Wadud’s reign, was considered one and the same and so had been used in the same manner. Taxation was heavy, which was no doubt based on taxing the fruits of the private activities.
The judicial system of Swat State was not Islamic in its essence as is commonly believed. It was a synthesis of the traditional codes, Islamic norms compatible with the traditional codes, and the commands, orders and words of the Ruler.The Ruler had the final authority and supremacy and the traditional codes held secondary status. Islamic law was subservient to both of them. The Ruler was neither bound to the Codes of conduct nor Shariat. The system, however, was an effective one. The trials were quick and cheap, and the judgements properly implemented. The cases were usually decided on first hearing or at the latest on the second.
Fredrik Barth nicely observes that the overall administrative system of the Swat State
Represented a new and emergent structure, that its organization was not simply copied and introduced from elsewhere . . . . Here, it is sufficient to point to the absence of any neighbouring states with a similar organization. Certainly, most or perhaps all of the elements can be found represented in various organizations in the larger region: the bodyguard pattern shared with Dir, the tax auctioning known from Moghul India, the Tahsil divisions and officers of British India, the Islamic institution of Ushur [ushar], etc. Abdul Jabbar Shah’s procedure for the swift creation of a popular Army may have been innovative-at least it was unknown to the Badshah . . . but it may well have been an introduction from Amb. But the essential structure of Swat State, which assured its survival, did not emulate the pattern of any other state: not the pluralistic and coercive Knanate of Dir . . . the intricate centralized feudalism of Chitral . . . the ritual absolution of Hunza . . . or the colonial bureaucracy of British India.
Merger of Swat State with Pakistan
Though Swat State became a model of peace, tranquility and progress in a tribal society, the rulers were autocrats. The vices of autocracy were present to the larger extent from the very outset. Peter Mayne may be justified for his remarks that "in fact Swat State is an example of how very benevolent an autocracy can be. However, he himself admits that the Wali was "... a complete autocrat and could, if he wished, cut off a subject's head without a by-your-leave, or even a second thought".
Miangul Jahanzeb became the Wali (Ruler) of Swat on December 12, 1949 with the abdication of his father, Abdul Wadud, in his favour. He carried on the developmental works and schemes. Priority was given to roads, schools and hospitals. Great success was made. Free education and health services were provided. However he changed some of the policies of his father. He started persecution and alienation of the old supporters and allies of his father and brought new elements from various quarters to the fore. The old loyal supporters were made aggrieved and dissatisfied.
Some modern educated people were not happy with the autocracy and mode of ruling. They wanted rights, freedom and reforms. The first to ask for reforms was Sirajuddin Khan. He presented his proposed reforms to Miangul Jahanzeb, in his office two days prior to his becoming the Wali of Swat in December 1949. There were thirteen/fourteen points. Inter alia it was stated that the Princely States are blots on the country after the emergence of Pakistan. However, the blot can be removed either by introducing democracy or by the enforcement of Islamic System in the Swat State. Democracy would not work because the masses were illiterate, so Islamic system will be better for the ruler and the masses as well. The proposed reforms were not honoured. Next was the attempt of the Khans against the Wali in 1950. These were the men who had made Abdul Wadud the ruler of Swat. However, to safeguard his power and position he either won or suppressed and subdued or removed from the scene the powerful of them and brought some new elements to the fore. It aggravated a section of them. The policy of "divide and rule" was felt and resented by most of the Khans. So the leading Khans from both sides, who were not happy with the policy and arrogance of the new ruler, held secret meetings at various places and pledged to undo the Wali and bring a change in the policy and mode of ruling in Swat. The plot was disclosed. Consequently some of the Khans left Swat in 1951 and became exiled. While other did not. Most of those who did not left Swat remained due to their dallas (factions) stratagem. Though all of them wanted to leave Swat some remained behind, because their respective dallas asked them secretly to do so in order to provide financial support, in case of distress to those who had left. It was also to maintain their dallas position among the masses and to safeguard their dallas interest in the State circles.
Affair of the Khans created troubles and unrest for the Wali. Sirajuddin Khan wrote a letter to Liaqat Ali Khan (Prime Minister of Pakistan) wherein it was stated that India had merged all the States. The people of Swat had great expectations of merger, but they were astonished that instead of merging the State the Prime Minister once more kept the turban on the Wali's head. It was required of the Wali to honour his benevolence and had to give relief to the people while he had compelled his subjects to leave their homes.
The Sirajuddin Khan's letter got published in a daily from Lahore. Letters writing were continued to dailies. Consequently the Wali, who was very allergic to such type of letters and statements, approached the Khans by various means and persons. At last the Khans returned by 1953. The Wali admits that "It was a fairly big and powerful group - not so much in the amount of land and villages that they controlled personally, as in the influence they wielded".
The Khans failed to achieve their objectives at the time but their motives did not subside. On the other hand the affairs and the developments compelled the Pakistani Government to do something. So in 1953 the Government asked the Wali to "sign some sort of constitution". Thus he signed the "Supplementary Instrument of Accession" on 12th February 1954. Wherein, inter alia, the Wali was made bound to constitute a State Council with 15 elected members and 10 members nominated by him. However, he was President of the Council, Chief Minister and Ruler. The Council had no real power. The members were collected twice a year but they did nothing. They would just praise the Wali and tell him he was doing well. The Pakistani Government did not interfere in the internal affairs.
As has already been stated a section of the modern educated people was not content with the autocracy about which the Soviet news agency APN latter opined "... that no single human being has wielded more power in the 20th century than the ex-ruler of Swat". And that he .had control even over the people's private lives to the extent that no State official could grow a beard or moustache without his permission".
The movers were educated and in services of the Wali. Their main concerns or objectives were to undo the autocracy, to press the Wali for reforms and to introduce rules, regulations and democratic form of government and to safeguard honour, prestige and rights of the people. The movement was extended to all parts and villages of the State with great success and people from all walks of life became its members. Though the Khans failed at that time, their motives did not subside. So the movement also won them gradually.
To keep secrecy of the movement intact and to press the Wali for change and reforms unique technique was adopted. Underground propaganda was launched. Pamphlets were printed in Peshawar from time to time with the co-operation of Ajmal Khattak and Afzal Bangash and were distributed throughout the State so that they be pasted up and laid in all the public places, government offices and buildings in a specified manner on the appointed date and time. These were laid in Tehsils as well and even inside the Wali's Bungalow.
Other developments took place side by side. Members of Jamat-i-Islami were persecuted and exiled from the State due to their affiliations with the Jamat on the plea that they were anti-Pakistan. Some of the Jamat members were arrested for their participation in the Jamat programme of raising funds for the flood relief in Punjab. So the Jamat also initiated a propaganda campaign against the Wali.61 Furthermore, the Wali due to personal grudge arrested Abdur Rauf, a resident of Buner who had his business in Lahore. He was progressive and political and had his relations with politicians and journalists. The arrest was resented. Mahmud Ali Qasuri asked Political Agent Malakand that the Wali should not hurt him. The Wali released Abdur Rauf under pressure. However, the act produced far-reaching effects against the Wali due to Abdur Rauf relations in Pakistan.
Encouragement of a Christian Mission School in Swat by the Wali, who purchased the land and "... financed the construction of buildings according to their specifications but paid for by the State" was resented by Sirajuddin Khan. He wrote a letter to "Daily Kohistan" against the Missionary School in Swat. The letter was published in the Lahore edition of the daily on October 05 and in the Rawalpindi edition on October 07, 1962. Sirajuddin Khan was called to the Wali office. He was mercilessly beaten and imprisoned for three years. The news was resented. Nasim Hijazi, editor of the daily, asked his second in command to publish all that was in favour of Sirajuddin Khan and against the Wali. Abdur Rauf filed a writ petition in the Lahore High Court, on behalf of Sirajuddin Khan, and issued statements to the newspapers. An editorial was written in "Daily Kohistan" and Khwaja Safdar and M. Hamza tabled an adjournment motion in the Provincial Assembly of West Pakistan against the imprisonment of Sirajuddin Khan, which was released after 40 days under pressure. However the tempo of resentment increased against the Wali, his powers and high handedness in the political circles and the Press.
"Daily Nawa-i-Waqt", already serving Jamat-i-Islami's cause, was hired by the silk mill owners in Punjab due to the development of silk industry in Swat. So the daily played a leading role in the propaganda campaign against the Wali. Some private acts and activities of the Wali, e.g. drinking and marriage with a dancing girl and other developments were not liked by a section of the population. Contradictory decisions by the Wali, his open insulting attitude even to his officials, nepotism, bribery of Tehsildars, Hakims67 and Mashirs, plunder of forests by few favourites of the Wali and State officials, and no rules, criteria or competitive examinations for recruitment, were resented by the people and common educated class, and were cashed by "Malki Rurwali" against the Wali.
The situation took a grave turn when students of Jahanzeb College started agitation. They were beaten. Some of them were arrested and tortured while some were rusticated from the college. Some of them succeeded to reach outside Swat. They conducted press conferences. Students of the down country agitated and issued press statements to express their solidarity with the Swati students. Afzal Khan, Student Leader, later approached to Noor Khan, Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator and in charge of the affairs of the students and the labourers, and apprised him of his grievances. He assured him of his help and told that they are going to do something.
Some of the Wali's close friends and boon companions became aggrieved due to their own causes. Taking advantage of the changes in the Pakistani politics, with the abdication of Ayub Khan, they thought that this was the right opportunity to press the Wali for certain reforms. A proposed draft constitution, written by Kamran Khan and Muhammad Afzal Khan, wherein some reforms and modification in the mode of ruling were suggested was presented to the Wali through Miangul Aurangzeb, the heir apparent. However, the Wali rejected it. At one instance his remarks were "I am the ruler, I am to rule Swat, not the rules to rule".
On the other hand some of those who were at the helm of affairs in Pakistan were also not happy with the Swat State due to their own causes, e.g. Qayyum Khan, Chief Minister NWFP and Shahabuddin, Governor of NWFP, who got signed the Supplementary Instrument of Accession (SIA) by the Wali. The Wali himself states about SIA that: "I became a sort of caretaker administrator. Though they did not interfere in my internal affairs, everybody knew that I could be removed and the State could be merged. Politicians might also start their agitation here...”.
However the role of General Pirzada proved fatal and decisive for the Wali and the State. It is generally said and believed that Miangul Aurangzeb (the present Governor of Baluchistan), son in law of Ayub Khan and heir apparent of the Wali had insulted Pirzada during his service in the army. Pirzada, when he became the Chief of Staff to General Yahya Khan, asked Mahmud ul Hasan Butt, a non-Swati but residing in Swat, to form an Association and start propaganda in order to prepare ground for action. He further asked the printed media not to publish any statement in favour of the Wali.
On the other hand the Wali ordered to search the houses of Amanullah Khan, Mahmud ul Hassan Butt and Aslam Effendi, once his boon companion and friends respectively. This aggravated the situation. Kamran Khan, Amanullah, Butt, Sarangzeb Khan and few others, formerly close friends but now aggrieved, proceeded to Rawalpindi to launch a movement, named "Swat Liberation Movement" (SLM). It was basically confined to the papers and had less roots among the masses, and carried on an intensive and extensive propaganda against the Wali. According to Prof. Zamir Zaidi "... the object of the movement was not to merge the Swat State with Pakistan (emphasis added) but to press the Wali, hoping that he would agree to the basic grievances of the Swatis and call them to a round table for a dialogue." And that the "leaders were all this time hoping that the Wali would soften and call them for a dialogue; never for a moment did they think of merging the State with Pakistan (emphasis added). But unfortunately as the movement gained strength, the Wali's attitude was becoming more and more stubborn".
Innumerable letters and telegrams were sent to Yahya Khan against the Wali, not only from Swat but also from other corners of the country even in forged names and in dozens by single individuals. However, the Wali was not ready to give concession, introduce reforms and give up even a minor portion of his powers and authority. He was stubborn and arrogant and his stand was that either he himself will rule with absolute powers and authority or there will be no State at all.
The Wali detained Fateh Muhammad Khan, his brothers and Sardar Khan of Sijbanr on charges of their would-be attack on him. He terminated services of Prof. Abdul Wahid Khan, one of the early members of the "Malki Rurwali", and member of its Executive Committee, as well as various other persons. Later arrest of Amanullah Khan and Malik Sher Muhammad Khan, a former Revenue Minister of the Swat State, was ordered. The Wali's militia attempted to arrest both of them and in an incident of firing a servant of Malik Sher Muhammad Khan lost his life.
At this, some of the leaders rushed to meet Yahya Khan to apprise him of the critical situation in Swat. But he was out of Rawalpindi to entertain President Nixon who was on his visit to Pakistan.So instead Lt. Col. Arif (later General Arif) who was Military Secretary to Yahya Khan was contacted. He ordered the authorities to direct the Wali to abstain from such acts. Ajmal Khattak, Afzal Bangash, Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil, Pir Fazle Khaliq, father of General Fazle Haq, a brother of Yahya Khan and some other politicians were already co-operating with the movements. Then some of the leaders called on Mahmud Ali Qasuri and Z.A. Bhutto and sought their cooperation. Bhutto assured them of his help.
Thus due to the aforementioned developments and causes, the stage for the drama was set. Yahya Khan was not in favour of the merger because of the developments in East Pakistan, the proximity of the States (Chitral, Dir and Swat) with USSR, and due to the would-be administrative burden. However, it is generally said and believed that Pirzada included announcement of the merger of the States in Yahya Khan's speech, which was not included in the original draft. Yahya Khan announced thus merger of Swat State with Pakistan, along with the States of Dir and Chitral, in a proclamation on July 28, 1969.
It should be noted that from the very outset Pakistan's policy towards the Princely States was not in interest of the States. SJ. Olver reports, in a secret letter on 15th July, 1948 from the Office of the High Commissioner for the United Kingdom, Karachi, that "in order to put pressure on Kalat itself to accede to Pakistan, offer of accession from these feudatories (i.e. Lass Bela, Kharan and Makran who were the former feudatories of the State of Kalat) were engineered and accepted by Pakistan. The legal validity of the accession in these three cases is not altogether free from doubt...".
After seeking accession of the Princely States Pakistan, too, embarked on the policy of their merger. Liaqat Ali Khan expressed his will "that the time has come for us to merge these States". But he was assassinated before materializing his decision. So all other States were merged save the three States of Swat, Dir and Chitral. It was the geo-strategic location of these States and some other factors that their merger took such a time. However powers of the rulers of the States of Dir and Chitral had been curtailed many years before their formal merger by appointing Political officers there who practically wielded all the powers of the rulers. While the Wali of Swat wielded all the powers up till the merger. So effects of the merger did not prove the same in all the three States and, in fact, it was Swat State that was merged by Yahya Khan.
It is worth mentioning that most of those who worked against the autocracy were in services at the time and associated with the underground movement. They remained in services after the merger as well. They did not come open and remained in background. So the credit was cashed by those who remained loyal to the Wali throughout their life but became aggrieved in the last days due to their own causes or by those who were not in the services. This was probably the only instance in history where only two lives were the price paid for winning against autocracy.
EFFECTS OF THE MERGER
Merger of Swat State with Pakistan brought an end of autocracy, solace for a section of the people, political freedom for all, open competition, equal opportunities in all services and all fields, security of services and promotions under a certain policy. However many servants of the State in different departments and in different ranks were forcedly retired by the Deputy Commissioner of Swat citing Pakistani law. But they were deprived of their pensions and other benefits, permissible under the Pakistani rules, on the plea of status quo. Some were dismissed. All these were contrary to the assurances of the Pakistani President given to the State servants after the merger.87 That was why an "All Swat Employees Association" was formed by the ex-State servants for safeguarding their rights and interests.
The immediate response of the merger of Swat State was resentment of the pro-Wali group in Swat and that of the Government of Afghanistan. The pro-Wali group in Saidu Sharif and Mingawara agitated and plundered property of Mahmud ul Hasan Butt. However Humayun Khan, Political Agent Malakand and who was made Deputy Commissioner of Swat as well after three days, pacified the anti - merger agitation with a stratagem. Giving the bureaucratic assurance of his full support, he asked the anti-merger lobby to stop agitation in order to avert army action against the Wali and the agitators themselves. And instead a campaign of letter writing and getting signatures against the merger be initiated so that to be sent and forwarded to Yahya Khan. The Wali himself, too, was not in favour of agitation due to his own causes. The agitation ended. The letters and signatures, double of the total number of the population (they were of course forged), did not reach Yahya Khan but were burnt.
On the other hand, conducting the routine work of the State by the Wali, though virtually he ceased practicing his powers and authority, and the anti-merger agitation and campaign of letters and signatures worried those who had worked against the Wali. They proceeded and contacted the political leaders, who had already co-operated with them and some officials so that the proclamation may not be abrogated.
A spokesman of the Afghan Government, bitterly protesting, stated that the merger of the States would have no validity unless Yahya got the consent of the Pukhtun people. Responding the statement, a spokesman of the Pakistan Foreign Office said that the measure was entirely within the domestic jurisdiction of Pakistan and that the step had been taken in compliance with the persistent demand of the people of these States voiced for long, through public meetings, press statements, telegrams and petitions to the government.
The merger was proclaimed in the aforementioned manner. Neither proper planning for materialisation of the plan of the merger had been done, nor the would-be problems and consequences were properly assessed. This became the bone of all the adverse effects and consequences. Announcement of the merger was made on July 28, 1969 and the Gazette notification, wherein Regulation 3 tided "Rulers shall cease to exercise administrative functions etc", had been done on 15,thAugust 1969. There too no "officer, person, authority" had been appointed or empowered to exercise and perform the powers and functions of the Rulers. It was in a secret notification dated Lahore the 16th August 1969 that the Commissioner of Malakand Division was empowered "...to exercise and perform subject to the general supervision and direction of the Government all the powers and functions which immediately before the commencement of the said Regulation were being exercised and performed by the Rulers of the specified territories".
So, proclamation of the merger created total confusion in Swat. In fact Swat became a land of lawlessness and uncertainty. A sort of anarchy prevailed. It should be mentioned here that though the State was merged, legally the Wali yet possessed all powers and authority. He looked after the routine works but practically ceased to exercise his powers and perform all his functions. Because in his own words "... people know that the State has been merged, so I have no authority". On the other hand no one possessed legal authority to exercise and perform the Wali's powers and functions. Administrative officers of the State were also confused due to the uncertain situation.The Swatis faced a unique situation with the merger of the State due to the new administrative set¬up and change in the mode of administration. Since then, in the new bureaucratic set-up, no one acknowledges himself responsible. Each one excuses that it is neither his jurisdiction nor his responsibility. Though practically they have certain limitations, the new mode and policy of administration is to pass the time better not to solve the problems. That is why mass mismanagement and insecurity of life and property and comparatively more corruption, injustice, plunder of natural resources and so forth are the further clear and visible signs of the new set-up. It should be admitted in all fairness that though autocrat the Walis were excellent administrators and they ruled efficiently for most of the period.
Previously there was no red-tapism. Every thing was done quickly. The developmental projects were completed very well and in quite a short period but with the merger, the new administrators turned deaf ears to the development of Swat. Commissioner of Malakand Division, Sayyad Munir Hussain, wrote a note "further developmental works are no more needed in Swat. They are more than sufficient (emphasis added); we should have only to maintain them. Consequently, developmental works came to a standstill. Proper maintenance of roads and other existed works faded away. Free of cost facilities of health and education was withdrawn. Inverse development took place and instead of climbing to zenith the Swatis fell into abyss with the introduction of "Pakistanism". The situation deteriorated in all respects.
The social set-up shook at once, because the change came all of a sudden and the previous strict control did not remain intact. Previously the non-Swatis were bound to give a surety bond for residing in Swat, that they will not indulge in unwanted acts and activities. They were not allowed to purchase land in Swat but with the permission of the Wali, which he had granted in some special cases. Even to run business and industry they had to provide surety bonds and so forth.
But as a corollary of the merger all those sanctions and restrictions faded away. Influx of non-Swatis came and settled in Swat. It created problems of the rapid growth of the population of Swat. Rapid and unplanned expansion of the city of Mingawara and the adjoining settlements took place, which caused various problems for the people of Swat and the Municipal Committee as well. Prices of land went up due to the influx and pressure from all over the country. River Swat became polluted and the Swati Society is being engulfed by various vices.
Disputes of the ownership of land emerged on a large scale. Because those whose lands were occupied forcibly, or on some other reasons, by the ruling family and the powerful Khans, either attempted to regain their lands or filed writs for them. While the Gujars, who were mostly tenants and possessed no land by virtue of their descent," took advantage of the new set-up and of the Pakistan Peoples Party announcements and claimed ownership of the land, which they occupied. Even those who had sold their land reclaimed them on the plea that these had been confiscated, and some age-old land disputes were also renewed. All these disputes aggravated the situation and caused some unwanted incidents and losses. A "Land Commission" was appointed but of no avail.
Mass deforestation occurred. Because forests were ruthlessly destroyed by contractors on one hand, for squeezing more wealth, and on the other by the people themselves which were previously kept under pressure and strict control and got freedom all of a sudden. There was no check, neither on the contractors nor on the people, so the unbounded freedom was highly misused
Before the merger, whether just or unjust, decisions were quick and chief. The litigants did not bear undue expenditures and the prolonged procedures. Not only this but the decisions were properly executed and implemented. With the merger, the position took a U-turn. Regulation No I of 1969 merged the State with this much change only that powers and functions of the Rulers were ceased and these were delegated to a person, officer or authority appointed or empowered by the Provincial Government. All the old laws including Regulations, orders, rules, notification and customs, having the force of law, were kept continued in force. This status quo created confusion and uncertainty. There were no clear cut laws, rules and regulations and the administrative cum judicial officers used to define and pronounce the riwaj according to their own will. That was why an association was formed which was named "Justice League".
On 31st December 1970 Gazette Notification of 'Tribal Areas (Application of Laws) Regulation 1970" was done. This introduced Criminal Courts with the enforcement of these laws: The Police Act, 1861; The Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898; The Pakistan Penal Code (Act XLV of 1860); and The Evidence Act, 1872. Thus the old laws were repealed to that extent. On April 17, 1974 Regulation I of 1974 was enforced which established Civil and Revenue Courts by extending these laws: The West Pakistan Civil Courts Ordinance, 1962; The Code of Civil Procedures, 1908; and The West Pakistan Land Revenue Act, 1967. Off and on laws were extending replacing the old laws. However the major change was the promulgation of Regulation No I of 1975, Regulation No II of 1975 and Regulation No IV of 1976, commonly known as PATA Regulations, which led the prevailing conditions from bad to worse.
With the merger confusion and chaos prevailed in Swat. The litigants did not know where to turn for justice. Quick and chief trial and decisions, whether just or unjust, and their proper execution and implementation came to an end. The prolonged procedures, undue delay, great expenditures, high bribes, misuse of riwaj and the further deterioration by PATA Regulations highly aggravated almost all the people of Swat, and resulted the momentum of the movement 'Tanzim Nifaz Shariat Muhammadi" (TNSM) in Swat, and the demand for the enforcement of Shariat.
These were the main effects and consequences of the merger of Swat State with Pakistan. A spokesman of the Foreign Office of Pakistan responding to the statement of the Afghan Government spokesman against the merger, himself had pointed out on August 6, 1969 that the people felt that the merger "... would accelerate the pace of their development". President Yahya Khan too had promised that the existing facilities and privileges will be kept intact and the rights denied by the ex-rulers will be granted.1" However instead of the acceleration of the "pace of development" inverse development took place. Most of the hopes, expectations and promises proved futile, and most of the effects and consequences of the merger did not prove good and favourable for Swat and the people of Swat.
It is noteworthy that those who have worked against the Wali were not unanimous in their designs. Most of them were not against the State. Their main concern was not the merger but reforms, constitutional government with a powerful Consultative Council and freedom from autocracy within the State. But, as has already been stated, the Wali's stand was that either he will rule with absolute powers and authority or there will be no State at all.
The aforementioned were the main blessings and curses of the new set-up. They were also the consequences of the transfer of authority and responsibility in decision making from a small and local to a larger and wider national and provincial centralization. Thus the model of Swat State could be studied to show how a constitutional localized system could work within the broader framework of a national State in a changing socio-political scenario.
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